Cause and consequence in public policy theory: Ethnic policy and system transformation in Malaysia

Abstract

Considering public policy as both a dependent and an independent variable, this article undertakes a systematic assessment of the sources and systemic consequences of policy. It begins with a statement of contrasting theories of the sources of policy. One strand of comparative theory emphasizes national cultures and elite beliefs as the main sources of policy; another stresses the cross-national imperatives of particular policy programs, of international diffusion, and of common policy processes. Drawing on longitudinal data on an array of ethnic policies in Malaysia, the study highlights the limits of cultural-determinist theories of policy. It shows that elite beliefs change over time, often creating layers of policy based on varying premises; that one set of beliefs can overcome another, inconsistent set; that critical events can alter the balance of authoritative beliefs; and that, where beliefs are in conflict, organized interests have room for maneuver. Moreover, the interaction of a mix of operative beliefs can produce outcomes very much at variance with what policymakers wish or anticipate. Finally, on the systemic effects of policy, the study shows that interests created by earlier policy can be decisive actors in the shaping of later policy. Policy itself can change the entire structure of the political system -an outcome rather clearly demonstrated in the case of Malaysia.In comparative public policy, it has come to be accepted that policy is both a dependent and an independent variable, at once the product of a policy process and the source of change in political systems (Hancock, 1983;Salisbury, 1968). There has, however, been a certain asymmetry in the understanding of these two faces of policy. Much work, but as yet no real consensus, exists on the sources of public policy. There is uncertainty about the extent to which policy is determined by national cultures or by such environmental variables as the organization of interest groups or political institutions. On the other hand, there has so far been only vague specification of the role played by policy in transforming political systems. Despite Lowi's dictum that policy 'determines politics, '1 analysis has not moved far beyond speculation about the impact of various types of policy on the nature of the specific processes required to put particular policy types into effect. 2 On one issue, then, there is no agreed generalization; on the other, the generalization is altogether too general.These issues, usually treated separately, are not wholly separate. If policy is shaped by and then reshapes the political system, the reshaped system can become in its turn a progenitor of new policy or at least a constraint on what

From sojourners to citizens: managing the ethnic Chinese minority in Indonesia and Malaysia

“…Power-sharing and the inculcation of patriotic nationalism, however limited, has given the Chinese-Malaysians some measure of collective security and a tentative sense of belonging (Lijphart 1977;Horowitz 1989aHorowitz , 1989bCase 2000). The preferential and af rmative action policies have worked to reduce the economic disparity between the bumis and the Chinese, ameliorating one source of con ict.…”

Globalization and Social Transformation in the Asia-Pacific

“…A promise was also made to MCA political leaders that government assistance for Malay participation in the modern economy would not directly encroach upon existing non-Malay commercial interests. Despite this promise there were breaches (Horowitz, 1989). Unlike English-medium schools, the Chinese-and Tamilmedium primary schools were spared conversion into Malay-medium schools.…”

“…After 1969, inter-ethnic concertation on ethnic policies among the governing elites was no longer practiced (Horowitz, 1989). Under the premiership of Abdul Razak, an MCA leader recalled the notable change in the 'style of decision', whereby '[UMNO's] doing something and getting away with it.…”

“…Unlike English-medium schools, the Chinese-and Tamilmedium primary schools were spared conversion into Malay-medium schools. The significant size of the non-Malay voters provided incentives for UMNO leaders to maintain cooperation with non-Malay parties to broaden their electoral support in opposition to their rival Islamic Party (Horowitz, 1989;.…”

“…Within ten years of the end of WWII, the English-educated Alliance leaders who won the first Federal Legislative elections in 1955 emerged as the key negotiators with the British for independence. Under pressure from their respective ethnic constituencies, they negotiated inter-ethnic compromises quietly behind closed doors, what Horowitz (1989) called the 'palace politics'. To reconcile their triple role as 'national spokesmen, ethnic agents and the articulators of Western values', the Alliance national leaders developed what was called the 'politics of ambiguity' with regard to ethnically contentious issues, whereby they avoided taking a clear position on policies related to these issues.…”