Catégorisation et discrimination des Algériens dans les politiques du logement à Lyon (1950-1970)

Belmessous, Fatiha

doi:10.4000/books.pur.59884

Cited by 6 publications

(2 citation statements)

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“…The constant argumentation that the French population may reject certain foreigners made the threshold appear a part of an interpretative theory, as though there were a correlation between the proportion of immigrants and relations between French citizens and other people. Moreover, this notion implies that this threshold of tolerance marked a point, beyond which racism would be legitimate (Belmessous, 2014;De Rudder, 1997).…”

Section: and Ends By Limiting Their Access To Social Housingmentioning

confidence: 99%

Categorization and ethnicization of Algerians within Lyon’s housing and urban policies (1950–1970)

Belmessous

2019

Ethnicities

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According to the ‘French Republican integration pattern’ – based on the principle of colour-blind universality – naming people using ethnic or racial references is illegal in the administration’s documentation as well as in the census. Yet, aspects of the colonial rights system were adopted into the French Republican ideology, thereby constituting a very specific relationship between nationality and citizenship in the administrative management of colonial natives on French mainland soil. This paper reveals the ambiguities of the Republican ideas when they were implemented by street-level administrators within Lyon’s metropolitan area (1950–1970). Examining the administration’s documentation in the Archives of the Rhône Department (ARD), this paper demonstrates how the Ministry of the Interior took leadership in the welfare sector, especially in housing and urban policies. Its role and work built upon the roots of institutionalized racism which accompanied the settlement of Algerian populations in France, even after Algeria’s independence (1962). By institutionalizing racial treatment, the successive administrations in charge of housing and urban policies within the Lyon metropolitan area have contributed to the legitimization of an ideology of segregation based on opposing aims: on the one hand, the mixing and coexistence of different cultural and ethnic groups, and on the other hand, the adherence to a supposed ‘tolerability threshold’ using arbitrarily developed quotas for the settlement of Algerians.

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Section: and Ends By Limiting Their Access To Social Housingmentioning

confidence: 99%

Categorization and ethnicization of Algerians within Lyon’s housing and urban policies (1950–1970)

Belmessous

2019

Ethnicities

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“…Indeed, in the 1950s, strategies to manage or dissolve migrant concentrations (in shantytowns, hostels, transitional housing, and occasionally, regular social housing) were informed by colonial personnel, tactics, and population classifications, notably from Algeria (Blanc ; Cohen and David ; De Barros , ; Hmed ; Viet ). After 1962, these colonial practices were adapted to control and “civilize” migrants with state branches sometimes linked to housing officials: social security, immigration, citizenship, regional planning, civil engineering, local policing, internal security and the military (Belmessous ; Blanchard ; David ; De Barros ; Fredenucci , ; Hajjat ; Laurens ; Math ; Rigouste :21–49; Sacriste ; Spire ). These strategies responded, in part, to mobilizations of migrants in workplaces, shantytowns, hostels and neighbourhoods like the Goutte D'Or (Hervo ; Hmed ; Kawtari ; Pitti ; Taalba ; Viet ).…”

Section: La Rénovation Urbaine: Gentrification State Rescaling and mentioning

confidence: 99%

Neocolonial Urbanism? La Rénovation Urbaine in Paris

Kipfer

2015

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This paper analyses the programme of redeveloping housing estates in France overseen by the Agence Nationale de la Rénovation Urbaine (ANRU). Under this programme social housing reconstruction is undertaken in a nationally coordinated fashion in order to “valorize”, “secure” and socially “mix” estates. The paper highlights the political and neo‐colonial aspects of this programme and the wider state spatial strategies it is part of. Redevelopment projects not only further gentrifying land‐rent valorization, state rescaling and territorially stigmatizing symbolic violence; they also reorganize territorial relations of domination in multiple, also racialized, neo‐colonial and partly hegemonic ways. In a longer view, they respond to the “urban revolution” of 1968 (Garnier) and to the “anti‐colonial revolution” of independence and anti‐racist movements (Khiari). The paper builds on a framework that articulates marxist (Lefebvrean) and anti‐colonial (Fanonian) lineages while drawing on research on the neo‐colonial aspects of the French state.

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