Catalonia: Federalism or Secession?

Máiz, Ramón; Lagares, Nieves; Pereira, Mariana

doi:10.4236/ojps.2018.84031

Cited by 5 publications

(8 citation statements)

References 35 publications

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“…La auto-ubicación de los electores tanto en el eje identitario como en el ideológico nos permite elaborar un mapa bidimensional que da cuenta de los espacios políticos constituidos para el caso catalán y observar la dispersión de los mismos. De tal forma, en el eje X ha sido incorporado la auto-ubicación ideológica (donde 0 significa «extrema izquierda» y 10 «extrema derecha»), mientras que en el eje Y se ha incorporado la auto-ubicación nacionalista (donde 0 significa «máximo españolismo» y 10 «máximo catalanismo»), siguiendo desarrollos precedentes (Viera y Jaraíz, 2018;Máiz et al, 2018).…”

Section: Gráfico 6 Nivel De Autonomía Y Apoyo a La Independencia En Cunclassified

“…El análisis que se presenta a continuación se centra en un tipo de elector dentro del sistema político catalán, concretamente, aquel que considera que la mejor forma de organización territorial del Estado es la tipo federal, por ende, que tiene como preferencia una mayor autonomía para Cataluña dentro de una España federal. Este perfil de elector resulta importante por el hecho de ser, a priori, un elector con identidad dual o híbrida (Máiz et al, 2018) que se alinea políticamente según sus consideraciones racionales de las posibles consecuencias de la independencia. Es decir, se estaría ante un elector instrumental en tanto que valorará con mayor intensidad los beneficios que pudieran devenir de una Cataluña independiente, en detrimento de resaltar las características identitarias de la comunidad exclusiva (Orriols, 2017).…”

Section: Introductionunclassified

“…La pretensión de este estudio es evidenciar que las preferencias federales pueden explicar cómo los deseos de independencia no proceden necesariamente de variables culturales o identitarias sino que, más bien, se encuentran relacionados con lógicas instrumentales. Estas lógicas instrumentales devendrían de reivindicaciones por un nuevo estatus de la región que no han sido satisfechas o consideradas por parte del Estado, en consonancia con otros estudios que abordan la multidimensionalidad del apoyo a la independencia en Cataluña (Serrano, 2013;Máiz et al, 2018). Consecuentemente, se abordan varias preguntas al respecto: ¿El elector federal en Cataluña apoya el proceso de secesión?…”

Section: Introductionunclassified

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El elector federalista catalán como solución (parcial) al reto independentista

Hernández¹,

Berriel²

2019

RIPS

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El elector federalista catalán como solución (parcial) al reto independentistahttp://dx.Resumen: Este artículo aborda la problemática existente en la comunidad de Cataluña a través del análisis empírico de un electorado específico: aquel que considera que la mejor relación entre el Estado y Cataluña es la de tipo federal. Este electorado se entronca importante por la maleabilidad de su comportamiento al decantarse a favor de la secesión o, por el contrario, desear permanecer dentro del Estado dependiendo de qué se le ofrezca. Así, lo que se evidencia en este trabajo es la no homogeneización del bloque independentista, existiendo en parte del mismo un electorado identitariamente versátil que acepta o rechaza la independencia según el modo de relación entre Cataluña y el Estado.Palabras clave: votante instrumental, Cataluña, independencia, identidad, federalistaAbstract: This paper tackles the existing problems in the region y of Catalonia through the empirical analysis of a specific electorate: the one that considers that the best relationship between the Spanish state and Catalonia is the federal type. This electorate is important because of the malleability of its behaviour by opting in favour of secession or, on the contrary, wishing to remain within the State depending on what it is offered. Thus, what is evident in this analysis is the non-homogenisation of the independence bloc, with part of it having an identityally versatile electorate that accepts or rejects independence according to the mode of relationship between Catalonia and the State.

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Section: Gráfico 6 Nivel De Autonomía Y Apoyo a La Independencia En Cunclassified

Section: Introductionunclassified

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El elector federalista catalán como solución (parcial) al reto independentista

Hernández¹,

Berriel²

2019

RIPS

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“…137-39). Nonetheless, the idea subsists that its functioning is atypical when compared with other countries where federal principles are operative (Aja 2014;Caamaño 2014;Maiz et al 2018) and, to a certain point, it is also viewed as incomplete when compared with the asymmetrical federal agreements that characterise a model of plural federalism suitable for plurinational societies (Requejo 1999, p. 334). However, it is also true that, to date, no convincing explanation has been given of what a "plurinational federation" would actually consist of, beyond the conceptual tools of territorial federalism (Resnick 1994(Resnick , 2004Romero 2013).…”

Section: National Intersubjectivity and Plurinational Governmentsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Spanish Plurinational Labyrinth. Practical Reasons for Criticising the Nationalist Bias of Others While Ignoring One’s Own Nationalist Position

Moreno

2019

Genealogy

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To analyse the Spanish national question requires considering the relationship between the idea of the nation and the phenomenon of nationalism on one side, and the question of political plurality on the other. The approval of the Constitutional text 40 years ago was achieved thanks to a delicate semantic balancing act concerning the concept of nation, whose interpretation remains open. Academic studies of public opinion, such as the famous Linz-Moreno Question—also known as Moreno Question—that measures the possible mixture of Spanish subjective national identity, are equally the object of wide controversy. The extent to which political plurinationality is a suitable concept for defining the country is not clear because, amongst other reasons, the political consequences that might derive from adopting the concept are unknown. This article sets out the thesis that Spain is a plurinational labyrinth since there is neither consensus nor are there discursive strategies that might help in forming an image of the country in national terms. The paradox of this labyrinth is that, since the approval of the Constitution in 1978, the political actors have accepted that nationality in Spain is insoluble without taking the plurinational idea into account. But, at the same time, it is not easy to assume such plurinationality in practical terms because the political cost to those actors that openly defend national plurality is very high. For this reason, political discourses in Spain on the national question offer a highly ambiguous scenario, where the actors seek windows of opportunity and are reluctant to take risks in order to solve this puzzle situation. The aim of this paper is to analyse which indicators are most efficient for testing how the different actors position themselves facing the phenomenon of the Spanish plurinational labyrinth. The clearest examples are what we refer to here as the concepts of (i) intersubjective national identity and (ii) plurinational governments.

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“…Undoubtedly, it is interesting to reflect on how it is possible that these different alternatives around the political-territorial design have been left in the background of the more mediatic debate; especially taking into account that the different surveys carried out in Catalonia indicate that the Catalan citizenship does not indicate as its ideal option either of these two options (central state or independence) and would prefer to opt for other political-territorial options. We must ask ourselves why, despite the fact that 49.5% of Catalans are in favour of the procés, only 30% of them believe that Catalonia should be independent from the Spanish State (Máiz & Lagares, 2017;Máiz, Lagares, & Pereira, 2018). Even from a more academic perspective, many studies and publications have ignored the analysis of the components of voting for non-independence parties in Catalonia.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Components of the Vote for Non-Independence Parties: Regional Elections in Catalonia 2017

Lagares¹,

Maneiro²,

López³

2020

OJPS

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The lengthy political crisis in Catalonia highlights the incapacity of the Spanish Government and the Generalitat of Catalonia to find a political solution to this conflict. Facing a situation of this exceptionality and so prolonged in time, an innumerable number of articles and research papers have been published from Political Science. However, very few authors have decided to tackle the influence of emotions on the voting decisions of the Catalans; and even fewer, through a quantitative analysis. In this artcile, we decided to analyse the elements that compose the vote for the main non-independence political parties (PSC and C's) in the 2017 Catalan elections, including components of an emotional nature. To this end, we will use the survey carried out by the Equipo de Investigaciones Políticas to develop two structural equation models (SEM), one for each of these parties, in which we will incorporate emotions along with other "classic" voting variables.

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Catalonia: Federalism or Secession?

Cited by 5 publications

References 35 publications

El elector federalista catalán como solución (parcial) al reto independentista

El elector federalista catalán como solución (parcial) al reto independentista

The Spanish Plurinational Labyrinth. Practical Reasons for Criticising the Nationalist Bias of Others While Ignoring One’s Own Nationalist Position

Components of the Vote for Non-Independence Parties: Regional Elections in Catalonia 2017

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