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Feminist movement in Africa lacks capable guardians to steer the development of feminine identity or theory, and to operationalize the feminist agenda. The apparent lack of a national or continental feminist theory has not helped to elevate the status of the majority of women beyond the patriarchal controls, particularly in the rural and peri-urban communities, despite improved social modernization. Africa’s feminist crisis involves the lack of leadership, ideological vacuity, absence of structure or movement, and the non-application of cultural; political; class; religious and tribal identities in developing feminist theory. In search of capable feminist guardians, the tendency of feminist groups is to co-opt self-actualized African women into feminism with or without their consent, and without regard to the accidental coincidence of those personalities’ narratives with feminist epistemology. Feminism in Africa is in search of relevance within the public space. This paper interrogates these issues and uses the narrative of several self-actualized women in Africa, who have, apparently, been co-opted into feminism as a result, to discuss aspects of the crisis and the delimiting public policy and legislation against, perhaps, the development of feminine identity.
Feminist movement in Africa lacks capable guardians to steer the development of feminine identity or theory, and to operationalize the feminist agenda. The apparent lack of a national or continental feminist theory has not helped to elevate the status of the majority of women beyond the patriarchal controls, particularly in the rural and peri-urban communities, despite improved social modernization. Africa’s feminist crisis involves the lack of leadership, ideological vacuity, absence of structure or movement, and the non-application of cultural; political; class; religious and tribal identities in developing feminist theory. In search of capable feminist guardians, the tendency of feminist groups is to co-opt self-actualized African women into feminism with or without their consent, and without regard to the accidental coincidence of those personalities’ narratives with feminist epistemology. Feminism in Africa is in search of relevance within the public space. This paper interrogates these issues and uses the narrative of several self-actualized women in Africa, who have, apparently, been co-opted into feminism as a result, to discuss aspects of the crisis and the delimiting public policy and legislation against, perhaps, the development of feminine identity.
Theorizing civilian attacks on military and police officers in Ghana, the author adopted the Direct Participation in Hostilities concept applied in International Humanitarian Law during war time to protect civilians in the “Civil-Military Participation in Hostility Model”. It seeks to theorize the factors coalescing into incidence of hostilities during peace time by civilians against agents of State Security and vice versa. The Direct Participation in Hostilities refers to the cancellation of security protection of civilians during war, when they opt to participate in hostilities caused by the enemy, military or police intervention or operations. That conduct evaporates the expectation of protection from the military or police personnel, which makes the civilians targets in war times. In peace time, when civilians attack security personnel for cause or without cause, the withdrawal of protective performative services by State Security services should be the same as if it is war time situation justified by the concepts of self-defence and State Security. The “Civil-Military Participation in Hostilities Model” is a constructivist and realist approach to the resulting harm either perpetrated by civilians on the security personnel or the security personnel attacks due to civilian infractions or breach of public order. The eruption of hostilities from either angle may be due to the absence of a capable guardian or legal framework; and the absence of culpability, probity and accountability in security services delivery post-facto.
This paper discusses the null feminist wave in Ghana, a case-study for Sub-Saharan Africa. It shows the absence of the development of a coherent feminine ideology that is universal to all the nations, despite the disparate nature of feminism between African women. This appears as a huge gap in the literature on African Feminism. Through extensive literature review and analysis, it was found that the type of feminism that appears to be prevailing in Ghana and in Sub-Saharan Africa, is based on the enthusiastic appropriation of Western Feminine Theory. In Sub-Saharan Africa, the "feminist movement" has been spawn and promoted by institutional and bilateral entities to reduce gender discrimination, and give women access to male dominated economic opportunities. These developments have occurred with little or no significant contributions initiated solely by African women, and led by African women, due, perhaps, to the lack of knowledge-based transfer of feminist theory or identity. The author defines "African Feminism" and suggests the attributes of "African Feminine Identity" to guide this presentation, and perhaps, future research.
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