Carbon captured: how business and labor control climate politics

Stagner, Jacqueline

doi:10.1080/00207233.2021.1941676

Cited by 23 publications

(46 citation statements)

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“…Despite the theoretical elegance of taxes, the politics have proved tumultuous (e.g., Rabe, 2018). Politicians in Nordic countries were early adopters of carbon taxes and have been able to steadily increase rates over time, though not without conflict (Andersen, 2019;Kasa, 2000;Mildenberger, 2020). In British Columbia and Ireland, politicians had similar success in adopting carbon taxes in the late 2000s, but less success increasing rates (Convery et al, 2014;Harrison, 2012;Rabe, 2018).…”

Section: The Puzzle Of Fossil Fuel Taxationmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In response to gilets jaunes protests in 2018, French politicians postponed planned increases in carbon tax rates. In Australia, a carbon pricing scheme was adopted in 2011 only to be repealed in 2014 (Mildenberger, 2020;Rabe, 2018). In the US, efforts to adopt an energy tax in 1993 fell flat, reflecting a marked aversion amongst politicians to directly impose costs on voters, which has kept fossil fuel taxes exceptionally low (Mildenberger, 2020;Rabe, 2010Rabe, , 2018.…”

Section: The Puzzle Of Fossil Fuel Taxationmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…To control for political party, I include the percentage of cabinet seats held by green parties and the percentage held by non-green left parties. Even if politicians experience electoral safety, they may still face opposition to gasoline tax increases from powerful business groups, especially oil companies (Mildenberger, 2020;Ward & Cao, 2012). To control for the influence of oil sector companies and unions, I include domestic oil production per capita.…”

Section: Model Specification and Controlsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The paper contributes to the academic and policy literature in several ways. First, the paper contributes to the emerging subfield of comparative climate politics (Andersen, 2019;Harrison & Sundstrom, 2010;Hughes and Urpelainen, 2015;Lipscy, 2018;Mildenberger, 2020;Wood et al, 2019)an under-researched area (Cao et al, 2014;Keohane, 2015). While important research has focused on the politics of fossil fuel taxation in particular jurisdictions (e.g., Andersen, 2019;Harrison, 2012;Rabe, 2010Rabe, , 2018, this paper provides a general theoretical framework.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Changing Prices in a Changing Climate: Electoral Competition and Fossil Fuel Taxation

Finnegan

2022

Comparative Political Studies

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When do governments adopt ambitious climate policy? Charting the theoretical territory between climate change politics and long-term policymaking, this paper highlights the role of electoral competition in shaping how politicians respond to the intertemporal tradeoff of one important climate change mitigation policy: fossil fuel taxation. The more secure the government is in office, the more insulated it is from the vagaries of political competition, and the more likely it is to impose costs on constituents today to generate a future stable climate. By influencing governments’ time preferences, competition structures the myopia of elected officials. I test the arguments using an original dataset of gasoline taxation across high-income democracies between 1988 and 2013. I find evidence that higher levels of electoral competition are associated with lower gasoline tax rates, and that the relationship is moderated by the level of costs imposed on voters, but not government partisanship. More generally, the analysis highlights when governments can increase consumer prices to address long-term challenges.

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Section: The Puzzle Of Fossil Fuel Taxationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: The Puzzle Of Fossil Fuel Taxationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Model Specification and Controlsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Changing Prices in a Changing Climate: Electoral Competition and Fossil Fuel Taxation

Finnegan

2022

Comparative Political Studies

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“…Relatively few studies have investigated how domestic politics and interest group competition constrain climate policy (Keohane 2015). Studies that build on this line of inquiry include Aklin and Urpelainen (2013), Meckling (2019), Brulle (2014;2018;), Farrell (2016, Gullberg (2008), McKie (2019, Stokes (2020), andMildenberger (2020). Our aim is to build on this literature and make sense of disparate claims on the best path forward toward decarbonization and overcoming obstructionism.…”

Section: Ppeasementmentioning

confidence: 99%

Political Strategies to Overcome Climate Policy Obstructionism

Srivastav¹,

Rafaty²

2022

Perspect. polit.

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Great socioeconomic transitions bring about the demise of certain industries and the rise of others. The losers of the transition tend to deploy a variety of tactics to obstruct change. We develop a political-economy model of interest group competition and garner evidence of tactics deployed in the global climate movement. From this we deduce a set of strategies for how the climate movement competes against entrenched hydrocarbon interests. Five strategies for overcoming obstructionism emerge: (1) appeasement, which involves compensating the losers; (2) co-optation, which seeks to instigate change by working with incumbents; (3) institutionalism, which involves changes to public institutions to support decarbonization; (4) antagonism, which creates reputational or litigation costs to inaction; and (5) countervailance, which makes low-carbon alternatives more competitive. We argue that each strategy addresses the problem of obstructionism through a different lens, reflecting a diversity of actors and theories of change within the climate movement. The choice of which strategy to pursue depends on the institutional context.

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Exploring paths and innovation in Norwegian carbon capture and storage policy

2023

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Norway, a significant petroleum producer and exporter, has been a frontrunner within policies for carbon capture and storage (CCS). As CCS is recognized as a key technology for achieving the Paris climate policy targets, there is a clear need for more knowledge about how to design successful projects. Norway's first CCS policy initiative, the ambitious Mongstad project, was the result of a political compromise that was imposed from above, basically with one single company in control. The project was largely seen as a failure and was terminated in 2013. However, instead of dropping ambitions for developing CCS projects, the authorities launched a new policy soon afterwards. This policy evolved with the differently organized Longship CCS project as its core. Using a path‐dependency perspective, we find that established institutional structures from the Mongstad project, combined with national interests and expertise, help to explain the fundamental continuity of CCS policies in Norway. This explanation is supplemented by a policy‐learning perspective, which helps to explain policy changes and differences between the two flagship CCS projects. The Longship project developed gradually ‘from below’; linked project responsibilities close to competences and interests; dealt with key risks separately to reduce the inherent complexity; and organized clear requirements up front. We hold that this way of designing CCS projects is of relevance to other countries considering CCS projects. Furthermore, by placing the Norwegian case in context of the development of EU and international climate policy we contribute a theoretical framework relevant also for subsequent research.

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Carbon captured: how business and labor control climate politics

Cited by 23 publications

References 0 publications

Changing Prices in a Changing Climate: Electoral Competition and Fossil Fuel Taxation

Changing Prices in a Changing Climate: Electoral Competition and Fossil Fuel Taxation

Political Strategies to Overcome Climate Policy Obstructionism

Exploring paths and innovation in Norwegian carbon capture and storage policy

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