Canadian Political Ideology: A Comparative Analysis

Gibbins, Roger; Nevitte, Neil

doi:10.1017/s0008423900032467

Cited by 21 publications

(7 citation statements)

References 11 publications

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“…Moreover, we have shown that this relationship can be observed within the relatively restricted range on our political orientation measure, as would be expected from a Canadian sample (Gibbins & Nevitte, 1985;Rayside & Wilcox, 2011). Furthermore, our sample was made up primarily of women undergraduate students, another factor contributing to the restriction of range in the conservative direction.…”

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 74%

The political (and physiological) divide: Political orientation, performance monitoring, and the anterior cingulate response

Weissflog

Choma

Dywan

et al. 2013

Social Neuroscience

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Our goal was to test a model of sociopolitical attitudes that posits a relationship between individual differences in liberal versus conservative political orientation and differential levels of anterior cingulate cortex (ACC) responsivity. We recorded event-related potentials (ERPs) while participants who varied along a unidimensional liberal-conservative continuum engaged in a standard Go/NoGo task. We also measured component attitudes of political orientation in the form of traditionalism (degree of openness to social change) and egalitarianism (a preference for social equality). Generally, participants who reported a more liberal political orientation made fewer errors and produced larger ACC-generated ERPs (the error-related negativity, or ERN and the NoGo N2). This ACC activation, especially as indicated by a larger NoGo N2, was most strongly associated with greater preference for social equality. Performance accuracy, however, was most strongly associated with greater openness to social change. These data are consistent with a social neuroscience view that sociopolitical attitudes are related to aspects of neurophysiological responsivity. They also indicate that a bidimensional model of political orientation can enhance our interpretation of the nature of these associations.

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Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 74%

The political (and physiological) divide: Political orientation, performance monitoring, and the anterior cingulate response

Weissflog

Choma

Dywan

et al. 2013

Social Neuroscience

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“…Only region had a substantive impact upon workers' beliefs about social welfare programs and redistribution, with Quebec workers being considerably to the Left of workers in other regions (Johnston, 1987: 321). This finding aligns with other indications that the political culture of Quebec is somewhat to the Left of that of English Canada (Gibbins and Nevitte, 1985: 590-1). Ethnicity and religious affiliation were also measured in Stevenson's research, and explained very little of the variation in Left-wing Radicalism in Winnipeg (1977: 280).…”

Section: Socialldemographicsupporting

confidence: 90%

Social experiences and variations in economic beliefs among Canadian workers

Langford¹

1992

Canadian Review of Sociology

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Cette communication est consacrée à l'évaluation de l'importance relative du procAeGs de travail, du marché de l'emploi, de l'état du marché du logement et de la vie au foyer, de la sous‐culture ouvrière et des variables eocio‐démographiques en tant que déterminants des croyances en matière d'éonomie chez les travailleurs canadiens. En préeentant son analyse cornparée de données provenant du Class Structure Project de 1982 et de l'Étude de l'élection nationale de 1984, l'auteur en tire deux grandes conclusions: 1/ que la place qu'on occupe sur les marchés du travail internes des entreprises influe sur toute une série de croyances en matière d'éonomie, tout comme le font l'appartenance de classe historique et actuelle; 2/que le contenu conceptuel du travail et le contrǒle social en milieu de travail n'ont qu'une faible influence sur la plupart des croyances. Ces conclusions font supposer qu'une approche de l'étude de la stratification de la classe ouvrière qui met l'accent sur toute l'expérience de vie des gens now aiderait à mieux comprendre les motifs et lea formes de la mobilisation ouvrière dans le Canada d'aujourd'hui. This research assesses the relative importance of labour process, labour market, housing market/home life, working‐class subculture and Social/demographic variables as determinants of Canadian workers’ economic beliefs. Data from the 1982 Class Structure Project and 1984 National Election Study are comparatively analysed. Major findings include: 1/location in the internal labour markets within firms has an impact on a wide range of workers’ economic beliefs, as does past and present class affiliations; 2/conceptual job content and on‐the‐job social control have little influence on most beliefs. These findings suggest that an approach to working‐class stratification which focusses on the lifelong experiences of persons should help us to understand patterns of working‐class mobilization in contemporary Canada.

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“…(Kerr 1952, italics in original) Since then, there have been numerous studies about the way political values and opinions on policy measures are organized among the public at large. What sociologists and political scientists alternatively refer to as value coherence (Gibbins and Nevitte 1985), dimensionality (Fleishman 1988), consistency (Moskowitz and Jenkins 2004), constraint (Bartle 2000), or congruence ( Van Snippenburg, Hageman and Hendriks Vettehen 2002) boils down to the organization of political values -the degree to which leftist or progressive values on one issue coherently go together with leftist or progressive ones on others, and to which rightist or conservative values on one issue coherently go together with rightist or conservative values on others.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%