Canada's Immigration Policy since 1945

Troper, Harold

doi:10.1177/002070209304800204

Cited by 33 publications

(12 citation statements)

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“…21 Others have speculated, in retrospect, that the liberalization of immigration regulations were brought about not as a way of encouraging immigration from non-traditional countries, but in order to improve Canada's international image in the years leading up to the Centenary celebrations and the World Exposition. 22 As Harold Troper acidly concluded, "it was as if Ottawa was inviting the world to a party but didn't expect anyone to accept the invitation." 23 Nevertheless the statistics on immigration to Canada in the 1960s do reflect a shifting demographic in part facilitated by the opening of immigration offices in Egypt, Japan, Lebanon, the Philippines, the West Indies, and Pakistan.…”

Section: The Immigration Of Postwar Medical Professionalsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…22 As Harold Troper acidly concluded, "it was as if Ottawa was inviting the world to a party but didn't expect anyone to accept the invitation." 23 Nevertheless the statistics on immigration to Canada in the 1960s do reflect a shifting demographic in part facilitated by the opening of immigration offices in Egypt, Japan, Lebanon, the Philippines, the West Indies, and Pakistan. In all, there was a tripling of the number of immigration offices outside of Europe in the preceding decade.…”

Section: The Immigration Of Postwar Medical Professionalsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Too Many Doctors? Foreign Medical Graduates and the Debate over Health Care Accessibility in Canada, c.1976–1991

Clarke

Wright

2013

Canadian Bulletin of Medical History

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Abstract. Although the last decade has been dominated by commentators lamenting the national shortage of medical practitioners, only a generation ago policy makers concluded that most Canadian provinces had too many doctors. As a consequence, provincial ministers of health placed new restrictions on the licensing of foreign-trained health professionals. Assisted by the 1976 Immigration Act, Canada suddenly witnessed a precipitous drop in the number of newly licensed, foreign-trained doctors, a dramatic reversal of the previous decade which had seen over 10,000 physicians immigrate and take up practice in this country. The 1980s was notable for a variety of health care initiatives aimed at relocating the diminishing number of foreign physicians to underserviced areas, some of which were struck down as contravening the new Charter of Rights and Freedoms. This paper will examine the period of 1976-91, when, after two decades of relatively liberal immigration and licencing policies, Canadian provinces introduced new measures to restrict the scope of practice of incoming foreign-trained doctors and to divert them to underserviced areas. The paper will explore these health policy debates in order to understand better the context of the landmark Barer-Stoddart Report (1991), which concluded that a new interprofessional mix of health care practitioners was needed to reform, and make more accessible, the Canadian health care system. Keywords. Medicare, foreign-trained doctors, Immigration Act 1976, BarerStoddart ReportRésumé. Alors qu'on ne parle plus que de pénurie en médecins à l'échelle nationale, il est bon de rappeler que les décideurs en santé canadiens faisaient

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Section: The Immigration Of Postwar Medical Professionalsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: The Immigration Of Postwar Medical Professionalsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Too Many Doctors? Foreign Medical Graduates and the Debate over Health Care Accessibility in Canada, c.1976–1991

Clarke

Wright

2013

Canadian Bulletin of Medical History

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“…Resources and then Citizenship and Immigration adopted a “tap on/off” approach in which intakes were adjusted to the dynamics of the business cycle and unemployment (Troper 1993).…”

Section: “Populate or Perish”: National Security And Demographic Mainmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Levels of social inequality between NESB migrants and native Canadians were more noticeable, creating what has been called a “vertical mosaic” in which ethnic minorities occupied lower economic and occupational positions (Porter 1965). However, the existence of “high wage proletariats” assisted in easing integration an containing ethnic antagonism (Panitch 1981) and, over time, many immigrants achieved parity with the domestic population (Troper 1993). In these regards, immigration certainly divided the working class, but claims that differentiation was engineered by the state to weaken the overall position of labour are less than conclusive.…”

Section: The Functionality Of Migrant Labour: Unfree Labour and Indusmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…First preference was given to white British and‐ in the case of Canada – American and French migrants. Viewed as exemplary members such groups were enticed through interest free loans for travel and settlement, speedier processing, and more active promotional campaigns (Price 1975, Troper 1993). Non‐preferred but admissible migrants included all healthy and employable Europeans of good character.…”

Section: Bounding Societies and Policing Borders: Migration Policy Nmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Mass Migration and the Mass Society: Fordism, Immigration Policy and the Post‐war Long Boom in Canada and Australia, 1947–1970

Walsh

2012

J Historical Sociology

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The immediate post‐war period was defined by shifts in capitalism's socioeconomic and institutional underpinnings. Commonly known as Fordism, until the early‐1970s models of standardized industrial mass‐production and robust state planning and intervention were relatively successful in maintaining secular growth in employment, productivity and demand as well as establishing the national economy and society as unified, governable fields. This paper considers how migration controls in Canada and Australia enhanced and extended such arrangements. In simultaneously boosting production and demand, diversifying and integrating industrial activities and assimilating European migrants into a mass consumer culture while excluding non‐Europeans perceived as disruptive of material and sociocultural homogeneity, such policies provided central vectors of economic and cultural nationalism that complemented other monopolistic and redistributive interventions.

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