Can Volunteer Forces Deter Great Power War? Evidence from the Baltics

Beehner, Lionel; Collins, Liam

doi:10.5038/1944-0472.12.4.1747

Cited by 7 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 11 publications

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“…However, such studies were limited to transfusion during the first 24 h and generally involved delays of less than an hour to access medical treatment facilities; furthermore, these facilities frequently provided Role 3 support 22 . Moreover, future conflicts may present singular characteristics such as the re‐emergence of inter‐state conflicts involving a lack of air superiority, tank battles, and mass casualties 23–27 . Finally, to enable improvements in blood supply in current overseas military operations and enhance preparations for future conflicts, this study aimed to detail each step of the process of transfusing combat casualties in the Sahel‐Sahara strip.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

An observational study of the blood use in combat casualties of the French Armed Forces, 2013–2021

Pons

Boyé

et al. 2022

Transfusion

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Background The French Armed Forces conduct asymmetric warfare in the Sahara‐Sahel Strip. Casualties are treated with damage control resuscitation to the extent possible. Questions remain about the feasibility and sustainability of using blood for wider use in austere environments. Methods We performed a retrospective analysis of all French military trauma patients transfused after injury in overseas military operations in Sahel‐Saharan Strip, from the point of injury, until day 7, between January 11, 2013 to December 31, 2021. Results Forty‐five patients were transfused. Twenty‐three (51%) of them required four red blood cells units (RBC) or more in the first 24H defining a severe hemorrhage. The median blood product consumption within the first 48 h, was 8 (IQR [3; 18]) units of blood products (BP) for all study population but up to 17 units (IQR [10; 27.5]) for the trauma patients with severe hemorrhage. Transfusion started at prehospital stage for 20 patients (45%) and included several blood products: French lyophilized plasma, RBCs, and whole blood. Patients with severe hemorrhage required a median of 2 [IQR 0; 34] further units of BP from day 3 to day 7 after injury. Eight patients died in theater, 4 with severe hemorrhage and these 4 used an average of 12 products at Role 1 and 2. Conclusion The transfusion needs were predominant in the first 48 h after the injury but also continued throughout the first week for the most severe trauma patients. Importantly, our study involved a low‐intensity conflict, with a small number of injured combatants.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

An observational study of the blood use in combat casualties of the French Armed Forces, 2013–2021

Pons

Boyé

et al. 2022

Transfusion

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“…These attacks created an “information blockade” that temporarily prevented the Georgian government from communicating directly with its citizens and the international community. This allowed the Kremlin to fill the void with its own narrative that shaped early perceptions about the war, including blaming the Saakashvili government for instigating the conflict and justifying Russian occupation as “peacekeeping” (Beehner et al, 2018).…”

Section: Digital Counterpublics In Georgia: a Crisis Of Self-determin...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Reconstituting digital counterpublics in times of crisis: The case of the United States and the Republic of Georgia

Craig,

Rahko,

Carpenter

2023

Communication and the Public

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Since the advent of social media at the turn of the 21st century, scholars of communication, cultural studies, and media studies have long been invested in the question of the relationship between social media platforms and the discursive formation of counterpublics for social movement mobilization. In this article, we seek to pose a new question for scholarly inquiry: How do citizens leverage the tools of social media platforms to reconstitute counterpublics in times of crisis? Toward this end, we conduct a comparative case study of the way citizens leverage platforms for counterpublic formation in the Republic of Georgia and the United States. Both cases represent two ends of the Janus-face of the 21st-century Internet: The Internet as a tool for public will formation that can enrich the flowering of democracy across digital spaces, and the Internet as a tool capable of undermining traditional norms of public will formation predicated on shared understanding across the public sphere(s).

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“…When summarised, a few perspectives constantly appear in the body of literature. First, there is the mainstream argument about the realpolitik nature of the decision and how GS states usually respond to the conflicts about the GN, especially those fought between the US, Europe, and aspiring great powers such as China and Russia (Ciorcaori, 2009;Wohlforth, 2009;Herring, 2013;Trenin, 2014;Murphy, 2017;Beehner & Collins, 2020). Meanwhile, some experts argue about the possibility of absolute gain as the main driving factor of the GS states (Oğultürk, 2017;Miskimmon & O'Loughlin, 2017).…”

Section: Diandra Ayu Larasatimentioning

confidence: 99%

The Perilous Road Towards World Society (?): Global South in The Russo-Ukraine War

Larasati

2023

GSR

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This paper addresses the lukewarm reaction exhibited by most of the Global South (GS) states regarding the Russo-Ukraine war. Despite the massive campaigning from the West for the world to side with Ukraine and go against Russia, only a few of the GS states follow through with this narration. Most of them choose to pledge neutrality instead, which is unexpected if one considers that the majority of the GS also experienced military aggressions and occupations in the past. By employing qualitative research methods, this paper is written to provide an interpretation of this phenomenon through the English School perspective, precisely its argument regarding the concepts of the ‘International System,’ ‘International Society,’ and ‘World Society’ spectrum. This paper finds that this condition happens because the GS perceives the Russo-Ukrainian conflict as an ‘alien’ conflict largely detached from the GS’ own international society, which has a separate model of interactions built upon a long span of historical events unrelated to both Russia and Ukraine. This sense of viewing the conflict as ‘foreign’ emerges from the perspective of this conflict being fought amongst the ‘Global North’ states. This means that both belligerents are conceptually equal in terms of being actors from ‘outside’ the international society of the GS. Other than that, the GS also has shared norms that go against the interventionist policies advocated by the GN states. However, the loose notion of ‘World Society’ is still viable, as, despite the North-South divide, both societies share the expected value of a nation-state’s sovereignty.

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Can Volunteer Forces Deter Great Power War? Evidence from the Baltics

Cited by 7 publications

References 11 publications

An observational study of the blood use in combat casualties of the French Armed Forces, 2013–2021

An observational study of the blood use in combat casualties of the French Armed Forces, 2013–2021

Reconstituting digital counterpublics in times of crisis: The case of the United States and the Republic of Georgia

The Perilous Road Towards World Society (?): Global South in The Russo-Ukraine War

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