Can Transnational Feminist Solidarity Accommodate Nationalism? Reflections from the Case Study of Korean “Comfort Women”

Abstract

This article aims to refute the “incompatibility thesis” that nationalism is incompatible with transnational feminist solidarity, as it fosters exclusionary practices, xenophobia, and racism among feminists with conflicting nationalist aspirations. I examine the plausibility of the incompatibility thesis by focusing on the controversy regarding just reparation for Second World War “comfort women,” which is still unresolved. The Korean Council at the center of this controversy, which advocates for the rights of Korean former comfort women, has been criticized for its strident nationalism and held responsible for the stalemate. Consequently, the case of comfort women has been thought to exemplify the incompatibility thesis. I argue against this common feminist perception in three ways: first, those who subscribe to the incompatibility thesis have misinterpreted facts surrounding the issue; second, the Korean Council's nationalism is a version of “polycentric nationalism,” which avoids the problems of essentialist nationalism at the center of feminist concerns; and, third, transnational feminist solidarity is predicated on the idea of oppressed/marginalized women's epistemic privilege and enjoins that feminists respect oppressed/marginalized women's epistemic privilege. To the extent that oppressed/marginalized women's voices are expressed in nationalist terms, I argue that feminists committed to transnational feminist solidarity must accommodate their nationalism.

Demystifying “Little Pink”: The creation and evolution of a gendered label for nationalistic activists in China

“…Beyond expanding the notion of this contestation of nationalistic formations, we further contribute to the existing studies of digital activism and cyber-nationalism by illuminating the role of gender in fueling online discourse battles. Echoing other works on linkages between gender and nationalistic movements that demonstrate the deployment of women as convenient armor by both state and anti-state groups in pushing for their political agenda (Herr, 2016;Phillips, 2014), our study highlights the dominance of gender (or the Little Pink participants) in discourses of conflicting groups on the issue of Taiwan independence. Like other works that demonstrate the creative efforts of the party-state to co-opt gender or women into its larger project of nation-building (Li, 2011;Wang, 2005), we demonstrate the party's appropriation of gendered nationalism as patriotic expression in line with the state.…”

Dis/locating Comfort Women Statues: Reflections on Colonialism and Implications for Global Art Education Critical Multicultural Art Education

“…Lastly, I de-contextualize and re-contextualize the issue of comfort women through this statue in a global context. As seen from former comfort woman Il-chul Kang attending its unveiling ceremony, transnational solidarity is formed between non-profit comfort women organizations in Western and non-Western countries (Herr, 2016).…”

“…Considering these racial and sexual victims of the IJA, "the vast majority were Koreans since Korea was Japan's most strategically important colony" (Herr, 2016, p. 43). Due to the destruction of official Japanese military documents after WWII, the precise number of comfort women is still under debate but is believed to have been between 80,000 and 200,000 (Herr, 2016).…”

“…Initially, the debate of whether or not to accept private Japanese compensation caused dissension between the nationalistic Korean Council and its transnational solidarity with other Asian countries. This dissension within a global solidarity, which hindered the possibility for significant reconciliation, also highlights how including only women's voices against oppression may not be sufficient to enable reconciliation (Herr, 2016). However, the recent increase in efforts by the Korean Council to extend their advocacy to include the rape of Vietnamese women by Korean soldiers during the Vietnam War alongside global cases of wartime sexual violence seems to be less nationalistic and thus more cognizant of their global relations.…”