Cambridge Medieval Textbooks

Laiou, Angeliki E.; Morrisson, Cécile

doi:10.1017/cbo9780511816727.009

Cited by 5 publications

(16 citation statements)

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“…Nevertheless, our evidence points to the continuity of the MBP production and distribution well into the thirteenth century, despite the new conditions. This may indicate that the transition to the new political reality did not result in radical alterations, at least in everyday life, and that these alterations may have occurred for pottery later in the thirteenth century than has been previously considered (Laiou and Morrisson 2007, 166, 184–8; Papanikola-Bakirtzis 2012). It is noticeable that the production and diffusion of the MBP continued on a large scale in Chalcis: the types of MBP found as cargo in shipwrecks both pre- and post-date the beginning of the thirteenth century, and some still exist at the beginning of the fourteenth century according to Kinet's contexts (Blackman and Redford 2005, 88, 96).…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 97%

“…In the meantime, the political fragmentation of feudal Greece after 1204 eventually brought about the decentralisation of ceramic production, with local provincial workshops springing up and starting large-scale production of wares with new distinctive characteristics (François and Spieser 2002, 603–6; Papanikola-Bakirtzis 2003, 64; 2012; Laiou and Morrisson 2007, 184–8). We may suggest, based on our evidence, that during the second half of the thirteenth century Thebes either initiated or carried on with the manufacture of ceramics decorated with the then commonly applied patterns, such as the Sgraffito with Concentric Circles.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The Main ‘Middle Byzantine Production’ and Pottery Manufacture in Thebes and Chalcis

Waksman¹,

Kontogiannis²,

Skartsis³

et al. 2014

Annu. Br. Sch. Athens

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The article relates the results of archaeometric and archaeological investigations of the relationships between some well-known types of Byzantine table wares and pottery manufacture in Thebes and Chalcis, focusing on the period from the twelfth to the fourteenth centuries ad.We currently accept that several twelfth–thirteenth century types, such as ‘Green and Brown Painted Ware’, ‘Fine Sgraffito Ware’ and ‘Aegean Ware’, form part of a single, main, long-lasting production of Byzantine ceramics, called here main ‘Middle Byzantine Production’ (MBP), which was distributed and diffused in the whole Mediterranean area, and especially in its eastern part. The discovery of kiln furniture and pottery wasters in rescue excavations in Thebes and Chalcis gave the opportunity to define chemical reference groups for the two cities, and to test the hypothesis of a potential origin of the MBP in Central Greece. The results point to Chalcis, then the harbour of wealthy Thebes with a strategic location on maritime trade routes, as the place of manufacture of the MBP. Chalcis, which is now seen as a main pottery production site, is envisaged within its historic context. The persistence of the MBP after the Frankish conquest, without noticeable morphological changes, questions the impact of this conquest on both trade networks and dining habits.The political fragmentation of the thirteenth century gradually changed the conditions that facilitated the predominance of the MBP, and led to the establishment of a number of regional workshops whose ceramics were mainly destined to cover local markets. While continuing earlier techniques, they introduced new types, prominent among which was the ‘Sgraffito with Concentric Circles’ (previously related to ‘Zeuxippus Ware’). Thebes was one of these new workshops probably appearing from the mid-thirteenth century and continuing at least to the early fourteenth century. Chalcis eventually followed the same course, and its production may have carried on well into the Ottoman period.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 97%

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Main ‘Middle Byzantine Production’ and Pottery Manufacture in Thebes and Chalcis

Waksman¹,

Kontogiannis²,

Skartsis³

et al. 2014

Annu. Br. Sch. Athens

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“…One example here is the Annona, i.e. the system used by the central government in the Roman empire to supply its cities with grain imported from North Africa, using some 5000 ships in three rotations (Laiou and Morrisson 2007). Another example is the vast road network built across the Inca empire using tunnels and suspension bridges.…”

Section: Empire Data and Imperial Capitalmentioning

confidence: 99%

The imperial roots of global trade

Gokmen

Vézina

2020

J Econ Growth

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Throughout history empires facilitated trade within their territories by building and securing trade and migration routes, and by imposing common norms, languages, religions, and legal systems, all of which led to the accumulation of imperial capital. In this paper, we collect novel data on the rise and fall of empires over the last 5000 years, construct a measure of accumulated imperial capital between countries, and estimate its relationship with trade patterns today. Our measure of imperial capital has a positive and significant effect on trade beyond potential historical legacies such as sharing a language, a religion, a legal system, or links via natural trade and invasion routes. This suggests a persistent and previously unexplored influence of long-gone empires on current trade.

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“…Wine was popular among all strata of Byzantine society, widely traded and probably the most attractive cash crop during the Middle Ages. Little is known in detail of the operation and daily management of such estates, although evidence from magnate wills, from later monastic archives, especially for the period from the eleventh century on, and occasional references to matters of estate management in letters give some indication (Frankopan 2009and relevant sections in Laiou 2002and Morrisson and Laiou 2007. Entire estates, villages or even small regions specialised in wine production (Harvey, 1989, pp.…”

Section: Vine and Olive Cultivationmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Even though the Byzantines managed to reconquer their capital in AD 1261, they did not succeed in reviving the empire in its pre-AD 1204 shape. Most of the evidence on economic performance and societal change in Byzantium comes from the Aegean and the neighbouring regions of Bulgaria and western Anatolia (Koder, 1984;Laiou et al 2002;Laiou and Morrisson 2007 and Sections 2 and 3 below) that also form the geographical focus of this review (Fig. 1).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Medieval Climate Anomaly and Byzantium: A review of the evidence on climatic fluctuations, economic performance and societal change

Xoplaki

Fleitmann

Luterbacher

et al. 2016

Quaternary Science Reviews

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At the beginning of the Medieval Climate Anomaly, in the ninth and tenth century, the medieval eastern Roman empire, more usually known as Byzantium, was recovering from its early medieval crisis and experiencing favourable climatic conditions for the agricultural and demographic growth. Although in the Balkans and Anatolia such favourable climate conditions were prevalent during the eleventh century, parts of the imperial territories were facing significant challenges as a result of external political/military pressure. The apogee of medieval Byzantine socioeconomic development, around AD 1150, coincides with a period of adverse climatic conditions for its economy, so it becomes obvious that the winter dryness and high climate variability at this time did not hinder Byzantine society and economy from achieving that level of expansion. Soon after this peak, towards the end of the twelfth century, the populations of the Byzantine world were experiencing unusual climatic conditions with marked dryness and cooler phases. The weakened Byzantine socio-political system must have contributed to the events leading to the fall of Constantinople in AD 1204 and the sack of the city. The final collapse of the Byzantine political control over western Anatolia took place half century later, thus contemporaneous with the strong cooling effect after a tropical volcanic eruption in AD 1257. We suggest that, regardless of a range of other influential factors, climate change was also an important contributing factor to the socioeconomic changes that took place in Byzantium during the Medieval Climate Anomaly. Crucially, therefore, while the relatively sophisticated and complex Byzantine society was certainly influenced by climatic conditions, and while it nevertheless displayed a significant degree of resilience, external pressures as well as tensions within the Byzantine society more broadly contributed to an increasing vulnerability in respect of climate impacts. Our interdisciplinary analysis is based on all available sources of information on the climate and society of Byzantium, that is textual (documentary), archaeological, environmental, climate and The Medieval Climate Anomaly and Byzantium: A review of evidence on climatic fluctuations, economic performance and societal change

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Cambridge Medieval Textbooks

Cited by 5 publications

References 0 publications

The Main ‘Middle Byzantine Production’ and Pottery Manufacture in Thebes and Chalcis

The Main ‘Middle Byzantine Production’ and Pottery Manufacture in Thebes and Chalcis

The imperial roots of global trade

The Medieval Climate Anomaly and Byzantium: A review of the evidence on climatic fluctuations, economic performance and societal change

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