Bristol: ‘civilising’ the inner city

Abstract

Although Bristol's inner-city districts of St Paul's, St Jude's and Easton are currently the subject of urban regeneration, the underlying socio-economic inequalities facing the black, minority ethnic and poor white communities that live there have been ignored. The legacy of Bristol's leading role in the slave trade, the institutional racism that led to the St Paul's riot in 1980 and the domestic Islamophobia accompanying the 'war on terror' have resulted in distrust between local residents and the authorities that claim to be revitalising their areas.

The reputational ghetto: territorial stigmatisation in St Paul’s, Bristol

“…11 11 Clement explains: ‘As well as press releases, a series of public meetings were held, both before and during the curfew period, to promote the benefits of this high‐profile statement of intent of ‘zero tolerance’ of drugs crime. The police force had been much criticised by some local residents for failing to prevent open drug‐dealing and associated violence in the recent past … As a result, there was a positive reaction from many local residents who felt that this was a welcome sign of civic interest and active crime prevention, in contrast to previous neglect and indifference.’ (2007, 99) …”

Blurred Boundaries and Strategic Surveillance: Regulating Behaviour in Bristol’s Commercialised Spaces

“…As a result of this, scholars often conclude that, rather than encouraging the development of truly open and accessible public spaces (Koskela 2000), shopping centres in fact pose a wider threat to the spontaneity of the surrounding cities and public spaces by continuing to limit freedoms (Stillerman and Salcedo 2012) and impose intentionally selective 'definitions of acceptable behaviour' (Flint 2002, 55). The construction and operation of shopping centres not only serves effectively to displace local social problems and further entrench social divisions (Madden 2010;Clement 2007), but it also heightens feelings of distrust and thus ultimately increases the possible risk of social conflict (Koskela 2000). This harsh reality is, however, largely concealed and made invisible to the eye of the visiting tourist or valued consumer, who rarely become immersed in the historical and contemporary realities of the surrounding city centres that remain outside of the walls safeguarding these temples of consumption (Bauman 2000).…”

“…Initially due to be named Merchants' Quarter, the developers faced significant backlash from local opponents who campaigned that such a name would glorify 'connotations with the city's slave trading past' (BBC News 2007). Despite the Bristol Alliance later opting to change the name, adding the 'Circus' suffix to reflect how the shopping centre would offer an exciting destination within the city, much like how 'a circus is a pivotal place where people gather' (BBC News 2007), objections to the socially and geographically exclusionary nature of the proposed design had already begun mounting (Clement 2007). Even during the initial design phase, concerns were raised that the relatively impoverished local communities had not been properly consulted, resulting in a proposed shopping centre that would ultimately only serve as a destination for visitors and the wealthy, whilst 'literally turn [ing]… its back upon St Paul's and St Jude's', which would soon 'become new road conduits and car park overspills' (Clement 2007, 104).…”

“…Moreover, it was also feared that Cabot Circus would come to inflict damage upon other neighbouring areas, in that whilst it may be located 'in the city centre, it will not be part of it' (Phillips 2010, 278). Therefore, local scholars argued that, rather than contributing to the diversity of the city and its public spaces, the introduction of Cabot Circus would instead ultimately serve to encroach upon and divide these former public domains (Clement 2007), specifically disrupting the 'meaning and function of Quakers Friars, Broadmead, Nelson Street and Castle Park by both appropriating and excluding them' (Phillips 2010, 278). Having been deemed unsafe, unattractive and rundown spaces (Tallon 2007 in Phillips 2010), the immediate environments of Broadmead, much of which was redeveloped following World War II bombing, and Quakers Friars, a largely concealed yet deeply historical and protected site (Layard 2010), were considered to be most at risk.…”

A People’s History of Riots, Protest and the Law

“…We are not going to stay on the terms of becoming just like you. (Hall 2013 ) Th ese riots began in St Paul 's, Bristol, in April 1980(Clement 2007 ), but really took off when 13 cities rioted the following summer. Th e largest and longest was probably that which began in Brixton, the subject of Lord Scarman's subsequent public inquiry (Scarman 1982 ).…”