Bringing the Spatial In

Peterson, Anne F.; Kinsey, Barbara Sgouraki; Bartling, Hugh; Baybeck, Brady

doi:10.1177/1078087407302065

Cited by 6 publications

(2 citation statements)

References 18 publications

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“…Existing research on transit funding has been highly specialized. Research has examined the challenges of and strategies associated with winning measures to levy taxes for transportation, but without a national cross-section (see Beale, Bishop, & Marley, 1996; Hannay & Wachs, 2006; Peterson, Kinsey, Bartling, & Baybeck, 2008). Furthermore, these studies have not provided insight on how local funding dynamics interact with federal funding decisions.…”

Section: The Evolving Role Of Federal Funds For Metropolitan Railmentioning

confidence: 99%

Funding Rail

Lowe

2013

Public Works Management & Policy

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Local funds for transportation infrastructure are increasingly necessary, even though the U.S. federal government provides billions for urban rail projects. Through analysis of a competitive federal rail program (New Starts), this research tests the hypothesis that local financing decisions—as a demand-side factor in funding allocations—can drive federal rail spending. The analysis also considers alternative explanations for funding outcomes: transportation benefits and political clout. Based on a statistical analysis of 60 projects and 2 brief project profiles, findings indicate that local financial commitment—more than other factors—explains federal awards. Rail expansions that most advance federal transportation goals, as captured by program evaluation criteria, are not more likely to receive New Starts awards, but funded projects all met a minimum threshold for benefits. As a result, local decisions on transit funding both rely on and affect the allocation of federal monies.

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Section: The Evolving Role Of Federal Funds For Metropolitan Railmentioning

confidence: 99%

Funding Rail

Lowe

2013

Public Works Management & Policy

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“…The expressive benefit from voting, D i , would be greater for this voter than for the voter located closer to the public good. Voters located farther away from the public good would be more likely to turn out to vote (and vote “no”) 3 than voters located closer to the public good (see Peterson et al, 2008). Now, at closer proximity to the public good, a voter likely to derive a gain is also more likely to turnout to vote than a voter whose gain and cost would be balanced.…”

Section: Access To Public Goods and Voting Turnoutmentioning

confidence: 99%

Location of Public Goods and the Calculus of Voting: The Seattle Monorail Referendum*

Kinsey

Bartling

Peterson

et al. 2010

Social Science Quarterly

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Objectives. In this article we explore how the geographic location of a proposed public good on the ballot in a local referendum influences voting turnout. We argue that voters who live farther away from the good, and are thus likely to bear the cost of the good but have no access to it, would be more motivated to turn out in the election. Drawing on the cost-orientation hypothesis, or negativity effect, ''that people are more strongly motivated to avoid losses than to approach gains,'' we expect these voters to derive higher expressive benefits from the act of voting relative to those of voters located closer to the good. Methods. We examine voting turnout in the 2002 referendum in the City of Seattle on the proposed construction of a monorail. We conduct our study at the precinct level using spatial tools of analysis. We evaluate the effect of accessibility on turnout by means of a curvilinear model that incorporates demographic and political variables. Results. We find that voting turnout is determined partly by accessibility. Turnout is higher in precincts located farther away from the monorail line than in precincts located relatively closer to the line. Partisanship conditions this effect. Conclusions. This study provides tentative support for linking voter turnout to the negativity effect via expressive benefits. Voters' location in relation to a public good may affect directly their political behavior by means of their perceived net gains or losses from the good. . The corresponding author will share all data and coding information with those wishing to replicate the study. The second and third authors are listed alphabetically. The authors are grateful to Cristina Bradatan, Scott McClurg, and the SSQ editor and anonymous reviewers for helpful comments and constructive feedback.

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Political Geography, Direct Democracy, and the Reasoning Voter: Spatial Proximity, Symbolic Politics, and Voting on California's Proposition 83

Dyck

Hagley

2012

Politics & Policy

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This article uses relatively novel techniques (geographic information systems, spatial regression) to provide counterevidence to the reasoning voter hypothesis in previous studies of direct democracy. We apply these methods to voting data in relation to the spatial implications of Proposition 83, a 2006 California ballot initiative that set residency restrictions upon felons convicted of sexual offenses to 2,000 feet beyond the boundaries of parks and schools. We apply a theoretical framework that argues that geographic/spatial awareness is often subject to affective responses. Our hypothesis suggests that, in the absence of clear costs/benefits and without explicit cues concerning the complexity of the spatial environment, voters' abilities to place self‐interested votes become more susceptible to affect and symbols. Our models support this idea: partisan, ideological, and affective determinants dominate the model, while geographic self‐interest is unrelated to voting behavior on Proposition 83. Related Articles:“Citizen Trust, Political Corruption, and Voting Behavior.” (2010) http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2010.00267.x/abstract “Community Policing, Trust, and Muslim Communities in Relation to “New Terrorism.” (2010) http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2010.00258.x/abstract “Moral Values and Vote Choice in the 2004 U.S. Presidential Election.” (2007) http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2007.00058.x/abstract Related Media: Video Clip: “Jessica's Law Dilemma: Homeless Sex Offenders.” (ABC7News 2010) http://abclocal.go.com/kgo/story?section=news/iteam&id=7245220 Este artículo usa técnicas relativamente nuevas (SIG, regresión espacial) para proveer un contraargumento a la hipótesis del elector racional en estudios previos en democracia directa (e.g., Lupia 1994). Aplicamos estos métodos a información electoral en relación a las implicaciones espaciales de la Proposición 83, una iniciativa de California en 2006 que estableció restricciones de residencia para personas sentenciadas por delitos sexuales a mantener una distancia de 600 metros de los límites de parques y escuelas. Aplicamos un marco teórico donde argumentamos que la conciencia geográfica/espacial está sujeta a respuestas afectivas frecuentemente. Nuestra hipótesis sugiere que, en la ausencia de costos/beneficios explícitos y sin una indicación clara acerca de la complejidad espacial del entorno, la habilidad de los electores para votar en su propio interés se vuelve más susceptible a emociones y símbolos. Nuestros modelos apoyan esta idea: determinantes partidistas, ideológicos y afectivos dominan el modelo, mientras que interés individual geográfico no está relacionado al comportamiento electoral en la Proposición 83.

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Bringing the Spatial In

Cited by 6 publications

References 18 publications

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Location of Public Goods and the Calculus of Voting: The Seattle Monorail Referendum*

Political Geography, Direct Democracy, and the Reasoning Voter: Spatial Proximity, Symbolic Politics, and Voting on California's Proposition 83

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