2019
DOI: 10.1177/0094582x19831442
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Brazil-Israel Relations and the Marketing of Urban Security Expertise

Abstract: The transnational (re)making of contemporary urban pacification practices, discourses, and technologies between Brazil and Israel is underpinned by coercive entanglements. The Israeli experience with the occupation of the Palestinian territories has brought the Israel Defense Forces and the country’s private security industry international recognition for their urban warfare skills and related security technologies; Brazil has recently gained international recognition for urban pacification efforts that emphas… Show more

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Cited by 9 publications
(5 citation statements)
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References 34 publications
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“…The second discussion that is important for this article looks at digital security technologies specifically applied in the context of the so-called Global South, where policing powers and ‘the right to kill’ are much more diversely distributed across public and private sectors and criminal and non-criminal domains (Denyer Willis, 2015; Diphoorn, 2015). Informed by a postcolonial posture, scholars have shown how a globalized security assemblage of technologies, materialities, knowledge and discourses established the urban settings of the postcolonies as new testing grounds for learning about and developing new security technologies before they are subsequently retransferred to Northern, Eastern and Southern cities (Comaroff and Comaroff, 2006; Grassiani and Müller, 2019; Hönke and Müller, 2012; Müller and Steinke, 2018). In relation to these tendencies towards testing new technologies in settings of intensified state violence, there is also a growing body of literature that contests the dominant narratives of a techno-fix that politically proposes technological solutions to otherwise pressing problems (Bruno et al, 2019; Cardoso, 2012).…”
Section: Digital Security Politics Mega-events and Rio’s Urban Conflictmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The second discussion that is important for this article looks at digital security technologies specifically applied in the context of the so-called Global South, where policing powers and ‘the right to kill’ are much more diversely distributed across public and private sectors and criminal and non-criminal domains (Denyer Willis, 2015; Diphoorn, 2015). Informed by a postcolonial posture, scholars have shown how a globalized security assemblage of technologies, materialities, knowledge and discourses established the urban settings of the postcolonies as new testing grounds for learning about and developing new security technologies before they are subsequently retransferred to Northern, Eastern and Southern cities (Comaroff and Comaroff, 2006; Grassiani and Müller, 2019; Hönke and Müller, 2012; Müller and Steinke, 2018). In relation to these tendencies towards testing new technologies in settings of intensified state violence, there is also a growing body of literature that contests the dominant narratives of a techno-fix that politically proposes technological solutions to otherwise pressing problems (Bruno et al, 2019; Cardoso, 2012).…”
Section: Digital Security Politics Mega-events and Rio’s Urban Conflictmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Addressing recent transformations to the management of risk, O’Malley (2009) argues that ‘risk in and of itself’ is not growing exponentially, but that the propensity and the disposition to treat processes according to the logic of risk is. Paying particular attention to this process, part of the literature addresses the issue of policies for risk management and the technization of urban security (Graham, 2017; Grassiani and Müller, 2019; Wilson and Weber, 2008). Urban territories have become fertile ground for the growing market for services and technology in the security realm, part of which is made up of the insurance market, including car insurance companies.…”
Section: From Technologies Of Risk To Insurance Technopoliticsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The state actors or those who assume to represent ‘the human community that (successfully) claims the monopoly of the legitimate use of physical force within a given territory’ (Weber, 1994, p. 310) share this claim increasingly with non‐state actors, among whom ethnographers find new interlocutors, as in the case of privatization of warfare, intelligence and policing (Low & Maguire, 2019). Whether one traces contract mercenaries of global wars in Afghanistan, Bosnia and elsewhere (Coburn, 2018; Li, 2020; Singer, 2003); private security companies (Diphoorn & Grassiani, 2019; Grassiani & Diphoorn, 2017; Grassiani & Müller, 2019); supranational policing agencies (Andersson, 2014; Feldman, 2012, 2018); the makers of national security culture and architecture (Collier & Lakoff, 2022; González, 2010; Gusterson, 1996, 2004; Masco, 2014); or critical infrastructure protection policies (Cavelty & Kristensen, 2008), the proliferation of actors and agents of geopolitics‐in‐the‐making underscores the networked, diffuse and often sinister operations of war, militarism and securitization gone global and neoliberal. Confronting militarism and securitization stimulates scholarly inventiveness to devise new instruments and techniques to overcome their seeming opacity (see Pallister‐Wilkins et al., 2020) and to design new conceptual currencies to break their ostensibly hegemonic pervasiveness.…”
Section: Common Threads: Geopolitics As An Ethnographic Objectmentioning
confidence: 99%