Bottoms Up! A Toast to Regional Security?

Hoogensen, Gunhild

doi:10.1111/j.1468-2486.2005.00483.x

Cited by 16 publications

(9 citation statements)

References 6 publications

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“…Regions are formed by 'patterns of amity and enmity' between neighboring states, with the limits of the RSC being defined by the power-projection capabilities of the states in question (Buzan, 1991, p. 190). Interactions between geographically proximate states, whether positive or negative, will be more intense, compounding over time (Hoogensen, 2005). This translates into regional security dilemmas informed by shared histories (Buzan & Waever, 2003, p. 46).…”

Section: Security Regionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Arctic security region: misconceptions and contradictions

Østhagen

2021

Polar Geography

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The security interests of Arctic states are increasingly described as intertwined. The Arctic is seen either as a region where great power rivalries or resource wars are likely, or as a part of the world defined by cooperative traits and shared security interests. These depictions often implicitly lean on notions of a security region and regionalism, albeit without utilizing such frameworks to unpack security interactions in the Arctic. An increasing number of Arctic-focused scholars refer to the Arctic as a region in terms of security interests, but is this really the case if we make use of the different ways a security region has been outlined as an analytical tool? Leaning on different levels of analysis, this article questions several assumptions underpinning recent work on military security in the Arctic, advancing our understanding of security dynamics in the north and adding to our knowledge of security regions as a concept within international studies. It is argued that descriptions of the Arctic as a new security region are based on mixing and equating two distinct features of the region: the changing climate and related increases in economic ventures; and Russia's military build-up and regional hegemony.

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Section: Security Regionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Arctic security region: misconceptions and contradictions

Østhagen

2021

Polar Geography

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“…Thus for example, Wilkinson has criticized the model for its Westerncentric assumptions, namely that the notion of the referent object presupposes a much more coherent and stable set of identities than is usually found in practice (Wilkinson 2007 p.10-11). Hoogensen has suggested that securitization theory is overly concerned with the state as the main referent object (Hoogensen 2005), whilst more recently Rumelili has questioned the relationship between the Self/Other in processes of (de)securitization, suggesting a difference between ontological and physical security with different dynamics and objects operating in each (Rumelili 2015). In turn, Christou and Adamides (2013) have sought to problematize the nature of the referent object when it comes to energy, noting that this particular referent object cuts across all five sectors of security identified in the original model, namely the military, political, economic, societal and environmental sectors.…”

Section: B) Multiple Referent Objects and Processes Of De-securitizationmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Indeed, Buzan and Wæver (2009) themselves noted that scale should be taken into account in securitization theory. Yet whilst scholars have rightly criticized securitization theory for being overly concerned with the state as a referent object (Hoogensen, 2005), even usage of the state as a referent object continues to be uncritically conceptualized as a political unity, rather than a territorial or spatial unit. The few (de)securitization studies that have included questions of spatial politics have been framed according a single spatial referent object (e.g.…”

Section: The State Of the (De)securitization Debatementioning

confidence: 99%

Theories, methods and practices – a longitudinal spatial analysis of the (de)securitization of the insurgency threat in Russia

Snetkov

2017

Security Dialogue

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How do securitising actors, in this case governments, go about de-securitising policy issues that have been securitised across multiple referent objects? Do such de-securitisations develop as a single or manifold process and with what political effect? These are pertinent questions that have been left underexamined in the (de)securitisation literature. In seeking to fill this gap, the aims of this article are twofold. Firstly, it calls for a greater focus on what happens in such cases, whereby the de-securitization process encompasses the multiple referent objects initially securitized. Secondly, it considers the case of Russia's policy of normalization towards Chechnya since 2000, as an exemplary case-study to illustrate the politics at play in the nature and practice of de-securitizations, especially if and how this plays out across multiple referent objects. This article argues for a more process-centered and longitudinal approach to the study of the security politics of (de)securitisations, especially as actors go beyond the singular-act of a securitizing move and towards the much broader consideration of managing and counteracting a particular security threat.

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“…De siste 20 årene har vi også sett en rekke regionale studier av sikkerhetspolitikk. Etter at den kalde krigens systemiske maktbalanse på internasjonalt nivå avtok, fikk regionale sikkerhetspolitiske dynamikker i regioner som for eksempel Middelhavet, Sørøst-Asia eller Arktis økt akademisk oppmerksomhet (Buzan, Waever & Wilde, 1998;Hoogensen, 2005). Den avgjørende faktoren i slike studier er geografisk naerhet.…”

Section: Introduksjonunclassified

Stormaktspolitikk og økt spenning? Kunsten å skille mellom is og bart i Arktis

Østhagen¹,

Rottem²

2020

Internasjonal Politikk

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Nordområdene har vært på den norske utenrikspolitiske agendaen i 15 år. Mye har endret seg i denne perioden. Det som preger debatten i 2020, er forestillinger om stormaktpolitikk og rivalisering i nord. Samtidig hevdes det fra de arktiske hovedstedene at regionen er preget av samarbeid, og at de arktiske statene har fellesinteresser som gjør konflikt lite sannsynlig. Hvordan kan to så ulike oppfatninger om Arktis opptre samtidig? I dette bidraget foretar vi en lagdeling mellom tre ulike nivåer av sikkerhetspolitikk i og om nordområdene og Arktis. Dette tydeliggjør hvordan regionen kan være preget av både samarbeid og rivalisering på samme tid. Samarbeid og rivalsering vektes ulikt avhengig av tid og sted, men de er ikke gjensidig utelukkende. Abstract in English:Great Power Politics and Increased Tension? The Art of Differentiating Analyses in the ArcticThe High North has been on the Norwegian foreign policy agenda for 15 years. Much has changed over this period. What characterizes the debate in 2020 are notions of great power politics and rivalry in the north. At the same time, Arctic states claim that the region is defined by cooperation and that the Arctic states have common interests that make conflict unlikely. How can two such different perceptions of the Arctic exist simultaneously? In this contribution, we separate between three different levels of security policy in and around the High North and the Arctic. This helps clarify how the region can be characterized by both cooperation and rivalry at the same time. Cooperation and rivalry differ depending on time and place, but they are not mutually exclusive.

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Bottoms Up! A Toast to Regional Security?

Cited by 16 publications

References 6 publications

The Arctic security region: misconceptions and contradictions

The Arctic security region: misconceptions and contradictions

Theories, methods and practices – a longitudinal spatial analysis of the (de)securitization of the insurgency threat in Russia

Stormaktspolitikk og økt spenning? Kunsten å skille mellom is og bart i Arktis

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