Black Pioneers: The Spanish-Speaking Afroamericans of the Southwest

Forbes, Jack D.

doi:10.2307/274264

Cited by 12 publications

(5 citation statements)

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“…(Brading, 1973). To give one example out of the 22 original adult settlers of Los Angeles, only two were White, while nine were Native Americans, 8 were mulattos, 2 were Black, and one was a mestizo (Forbes, 1966). While significant the differences among nationalities, are not of a different magnitude from those found among nationalities in other classifications.…”

Section: | Diversitymentioning

confidence: 89%

Is "Latino" useful? Diversity, commonality, and politics

Licea¹

2020

Preprint

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The Latino classification is distinct from all other racial or ethnic classifications employed in the United States as it is not based on shared physical appearance or geographical origin, instead Latinos are those who hail from a portion of the territories that once belonged to the Spanish Empire regardless of their ancestry or physical appearance. The diversity within the Latino classification means that it is unclear what is being measured when the Latino classification is used to conduct science. Regardless of the Latino classification's usefulness for science the Latino classification has been defended for its usefulness in helping redress the consequences of racism against Latinos. However, the ultimate cause of this discrimination is that most Latinos have a non‐White appearance making the Latino classification a poor proxy for any effort to address racism. The solution is not to return to the classification system that existed prior to the creation of the Latino classification but to instead adopt more granular classifications employed in Latin America such as Mestizo and Mulatto. This will allow for a more detailed study of discrimination and the redirection of resources to those most in need.

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Section: | Diversitymentioning

confidence: 89%

Is "Latino" useful? Diversity, commonality, and politics

Licea¹

2020

Preprint

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“…They included Black and mulatto men and women, both enslaved and 'free' (Wood, 2010: 25). A royal official asserted in 1774 that the Hispano population of northern Mexico was of Negro, Indian and European ancestry and was so intermixed as to make it difficult for anyone to trace their ancestry (Forbes, 2010). The Black-mulatto element reinforces the complexity, unevenness and hegemonic perceptions of the region.…”

Section: The New Jim and José Crowmentioning

confidence: 96%

Jim and José Crow: Conversations on the Black/Brown Dialogue

Alvarez

2015

Journal of Asian and African Studies

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This paper explores the parallel experiences of Black and Brown Americans which are often regarded as mutually exclusive. In discussing the divergent but similar histories of Chicanos and Afro-Americans, I utilize the notion of 'improvisation', a re-examination of the 1930 desegregation court case, Roberto Alvarez v. Lemon Grove focusing on how Jim Crow laws also affected the Mexican American Southwest as José Crow custom. Utilizing George Bond's critical narrative, I argue that the Black/Brown struggle is co-joined in history and the social justice movement. In the Bond tradition, my aim here is to refresh our historical understanding and also to reinvigorate the Black/Brown dialogue. KeywordsAfrican and Mexican American history, school segregation, social movement, race and collaborationIn this essay I reflect on conversations George Bond 1 and I called the 'Black/Brown dialogue'. They began when I arrived at Teacher's College, Columbia University (TC) in 1980. I was a postdoctoral research fellow at the Institute for Urban and Minority Education and, fortunately, also assigned to and welcomed in the Program for Applied Anthropology. It was there that I met George. We both lived in New Jersey and would carpool to campus, chatting and getting to know one another. Those brief excursions from Jersey across the George Washington Bridge to New York became charged with current issues, speculations and good cheer. The drive itself into the city invigorated our conversations. We explored East and West Coast politics, our professional-academic interests, social anthropology, the value of ethnography and our 'area' interests -his in Africa and the American South, mine in the Southwestern United States and Mexico. We soon realized that although geographically distant, we shared parallel experiences that forged a mission aimed at equality, especially for our own discipline and the academy. A shared trust emerged based on this experience. Our dialogue began. It was then that I met Roger Sanjeck, Leith Mulling, Jerry Wright, Lambros Comitas, Alaka Wali and a host of others who joined the conversation and helped me in my own work.Our discussions were unplanned and creative narratives that took from both our personal and professional histories as anthropologists and our deepening friendship. These improvisations and master narratives exposed our understanding of the institutional racism in which we were caught.

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“…The conspicuous oversight of the fastest growing demographic group has recently captured the attention of some researchers (e.g., Amaro & Zambrana, 2000;Bensimon & Dowd, 2009;Forbes, 2010;Fry & Gonzales, 2008;Hirschman, Alba, & Farley, 2000;Jiménez Román & Flores, 2010;Passel & Cohn, 2008;Rodriguez, 2000;Sólorzano, Villalpando, & Oseguera, 2005) who understand the implications at hand.…”

Section: Purpose Of Studymentioning

confidence: 99%

Ni Latino, Ni Negro: The (In)Visibility of Afrolatino Males in Higher Education Research

García-Louis¹

2019

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For decades, academic researchers have reported on the lack of educational success of men of color in higher education. Many fixate on their lack of academic progress rather than attempting to understand how to adequately serve their needs. In response to the lack of asset based, solution driving research, many academics adopted the issue of young men of color as their educational platform. Yet, in their attempt to accentuate and position young men of color as competent and able individuals, the majority of researchers have overlooked AfroLatino males. In fact, AfroLatina/os as a whole remain largely invisible in higher education research since the majority of researchers adhere to monoracial and homogenous perspectives of race and ethnicity. Thus, this study highlights the lived experiences of six self-identified AfroLatino males in higher education by centering their experiences as racialized men on campus. Findings illustrate how AfroLatino males are forced to navigate a campus climate that does not acknowledge their physical presence (as AfroLatino males) or their academic needs. Further, they reported being forced to negotiate strict racial and ethnic categories in addition to language in order to gain peer acceptance on campus.

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Black Pioneers: The Spanish-Speaking Afroamericans of the Southwest

Cited by 12 publications

References 0 publications

Is "Latino" useful? Diversity, commonality, and politics

Is "Latino" useful? Diversity, commonality, and politics

Jim and José Crow: Conversations on the Black/Brown Dialogue

Ni Latino, Ni Negro: The (In)Visibility of Afrolatino Males in Higher Education Research

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