Biopolitique du stérilet

Abstract

Takeshita 1Women's desires regarding contraception and childbearing vary widely depending on social norms, cultural beliefs, and personal circumstances such as economic status, current family composition, and individual health condition. The ability of poor women in the global South to make their own reproductive decisions is generally very limited, due in part to the lack of access to contraceptive options and adequate health care, but more importantly owing to the intersecting oppression they endure as a lower-class female in a patriarchal society. Drawing on ethnographic studies of IUD (intrauterine device) users in China, Vietnam, Indonesia, Bangladesh, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and Nigeria, this article examines the variety of ways in which women have negotiated reproductive agency, sometimes with the help of, and at other times by refusing, the contraceptive device. 1 It demonstrates how women have mitigated antinatal government policies, eluded husband's demands, and bargained with healthcare providers in order to protect their physical health and regulate reproduction in ways that suit them. While the IUD has at times had a negative reputation owing to coercive and non-consented insertions in marginalized women and health problems experienced by its users, the examples in this article show that the device can also become an ally of a woman's quest for reproductive selfdetermination. The long-acting, provider-controlled, and easily-reversible features of the IUD as well as its inconspicuousness have worked in favor of various women's reproductive strategies.Overall this article illustrates how the IUD functions as a politically versatile device in women's struggles to achieve personal reproductive goals. 1 The following seven ethnographic studies conducted during the 1980s and 1990s provided the qualitative data for my analysis of IUD users' reproductive strategies: 1) Chinese villagers' response to the one-child policy in the Shaanxi province (Greenhalgh 1994); 2) reproductive behaviors and beliefs of women in an Etiki Yoruba village in southwestern Nigeria (Renne 1997); 3) women's subversive strategies against male dominance in Tajikistan (Harris 2000); 4) interviews with midwives who monitor local women's reproductive activity and health in Uzbekistan (Krengel and Greifeld 2000); 5) attitudes toward contraception in two villages in Bangladesh (Stark 2000); 6) rural Vietnamese women's relationship with health, family planning, and daily challenges (Gammeltoft 1999); and 7) Balinese women's beliefs around reproduction in Indonesia (Jennaway 1996). Each of them offered unique and yet comparable cultural and political contexts within which women negotiated reproduction by using or rejecting the IUD.

Hidden in plain sight: A systematic review of coercion and Long-Acting Reversible Contraceptive methods (LARC)

“…Across the three metanarratives, there is one clear conclusion: all instances of coercive practices in LARC programs target marginalized, disadvantaged and excluded population(s). Regardless of the metanarrative, coercive practices are always related to a specific population of women: indigenous Adivasi and Dalit women [41][42][43], African American and First Nation women [33,43,44], low-income women [45,46], young people [47,48], substance users [49][50][51][52], marginalized women in the global south [40,[53][54][55][56][57][58], women in the carceral system [32,46,[59][60][61], women receiving welfare [34], women with psychiatric conditions and intellectual disabilities [62], and women in refugee settings [62]. This clear association of LARCs with the coercion of certain groups of people demands our attention.…”