Bio(necro)polis: Marx, Surplus Populations, and the Spatial Dialectics of Reproduction and “Race”1

McIntyre, Margaret; Nast, Heidi J.

doi:10.1111/j.1467-8330.2011.00906.x

Cited by 130 publications

(97 citation statements)

References 45 publications

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“…The extreme violence meted out to black bodies stepping out of line, spatially or temporally, was uneven, and some value was ascribed to black lives insofar as they related to white futures Put another way, we know that whiteness' dependence on the devaluation of black agency takes innumerable spatial forms (Anderson, 2007;Gilmore, 2007;McIntyre and Nast, 2011;Tyner and Houston, 2000;Wilson, 1992;Wright, 2006).…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Multiple racial futures: Spatio-temporalities of race during World War I

Olund

2017

Environ Plan D

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Abstract:Using the example of the WWI-US Commission on Training Camp Activities, I argue that racialized biopolitical projects entail multiple, specific spatio-temporalities that seek to enact different racial futures within and between racial categories. What I call 'victorious whiteness', 'infinite whiteness' and 'static blackness' assembled by the CTCA, and an 'advancing blackness' pursued by black elites in opposition, interacted in a complex topology of early 20 th -century efforts to protect trainee soldiers from venereal disease, and efforts to prevent racial violence, both of which endangered the war effort and thus the future of the white nation. This counters a tendency in much current literature on racial biopolitics to assert a stark binary between and homogeneity within the facilitation of white futurity and black risk failure within individual biopolitical projects.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Multiple racial futures: Spatio-temporalities of race during World War I

Olund

2017

Environ Plan D

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“…As with Foucault's comments on the presence of race to break between life/death, domestication functions here as an organisation and hierarchy of social death; as a processes through which 'persons could reasonably be disregarded and treated as waste ' (McIntyre andNast 2014, 1468). The 'troubled family' emerges as threat to the reproduction of the good life of the (civilised) population and an affront to the norms of white, bourgeois domesticity thus the need for intervention.…”

Section: Neoliberal (Post)colonial Ordermentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Reading the TFP in this way contributes to our understanding of the forms of life which are fostered and those which are abandoned under neoliberal rule. That the 'troubled family' can be either domesticated (pacified and tamed) or violently destroyed (through coercive benefit sanctions and eviction) equally reveals the extent to which domesticity works as a key site for the production of 'surplus' life (McIntyre andNast 2011, 1466).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Domesticating the ‘troubled family’: Racialised sexuality and the postcolonial governance of family life in the UK

Turner

2017

Environ Plan D

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This article examines how the UK's Troubled Families Programme (TFP) works as a strategy of domestication which produces and delimits certain forms of 'family life'. Drawing upon critical geographies of home and empire, the article explores how the TFP works to manage the troubled family as part of a longer history of regulating unruly households in the name of national health and civilisation. Viewing the TFP as part of the production of heteronormative order, highlights how the policy remobilises and reconfigures older forms of colonial rule which work to demarcate between civility/savagery, the developable/undevelopable. In examining the postcolonial dimension of neoliberal social policy, the article stresses how the TFP relies on racializing and sexualised logics of socio-biological control borrowed from imperial eugenics. Reading the TFP in this way contributes to our understanding of neoliberal rule. That the troubled family can be either domesticated or destroyed (through benefit sanctions and eviction) equally reveals the extent to which domesticity works as a key site for the production of both 'worthy' and 'surplus' life.

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“…Rather, this transition has thrown up a new geography of production in which regions and states in the global South still occupy subordinate positions (see Kiely 2007b) and has expanded the reach of the market logic in such a way as to facilitate the transfer of assets, wealth and income 'from the mass of the population to the upper classes [and] from vulnerable to richer countries' (Harvey 2007, p. 34). Uneven development therefore persists in the capitalist world-system-manifest above all in deepening inequalities and the emergence of a 'surplus population' of rural and urban poor, which is relegated 'to irregular, insecure, temporary and precarious forms of employment' (Neilson and Stubbs 2011, p. 436) or altogether marginalised from labour markets in an age of unprecedented levels of unemployment (see McIntyre and Nast 2011;Duffield 2007, Chap. 1;Davis 2006).…”

Section: The Revolt Against Neoliberal Developmentmentioning

confidence: 99%

Power, Resistance and Development in the Global South: Notes Towards a Critical Research Agenda

Nilsen

2016

Int J Polit Cult Soc

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This article engages with radical critiques of the Eurocentric grammar of development discourses. I start from a position of considerable sympathy with their appreciation of the discursive dimensions of power that attach to the idiom of development and their solidarity with the oppositional projects of subaltern groups. However, this sympathy combines with a considerable degree of disagreement in terms of how the discursive power of development is understood and how the dynamics of popular resistance are theorised. As an alternative to the relatively crude postulation of development as a discursive regime that enables the West to exercise power over the Rest, I develop an argument that emphasises the multivalent character of the idiom of development and trace this multivalence to situated contestations that take place between opposing political projects that strive to shape the form and direction of social change in specific ways. Furthermore, I will argue that this contentious dynamic becomes particularly evident in those world-historical conjunctures when subaltern groups mobilize around social movement projects that destabilise hegemonic power relations in the capitalist world-system. To illustrate this point, I will provide a broad-brushed outline of three distinct 'development regimes' that have shaped North-South relations from the late nineteenth to the early twenty-first century and discuss the ways in which these regimes have been destabilised by the articulation of oppositional meanings of development articulated from below by progressive social movement projects. Finally, I draw on my own fieldwork experiences to reflect on how critical scholars can engage with movement projects that challenge the dominant directions and meanings of development in ways that can contribute to democratic deliberations within social movements.

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Bio(necro)polis: Marx, Surplus Populations, and the Spatial Dialectics of Reproduction and “Race”1

Cited by 130 publications

References 45 publications

Multiple racial futures: Spatio-temporalities of race during World War I

Multiple racial futures: Spatio-temporalities of race during World War I

Domesticating the ‘troubled family’: Racialised sexuality and the postcolonial governance of family life in the UK

Power, Resistance and Development in the Global South: Notes Towards a Critical Research Agenda

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