Billy Graham and the Rise of the Republican South. By Steven P. Miller. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009. vi, 304 pp. $29.95, ISBN 978-0-8122-4151-8.)
“…138 National media also analyzed the event, and highlighted his domestic agenda of appealing to southern and youth voters. 139 In the ABC News report on the event, which unlike NBC and CBS focused on the presence of anti-war demonstrators rather than Nixon's speech, reporter Charles Murphy stated that within Neyland Stadium "the anti-war demonstrators were a small minority, but the fact that they were even here, on a conservative campus in a conservative state illustrates the deep division even here." 140 Chancellor Weaver defended the university's position soon after the event.…”
This article examines 1960s student power debates at Tennessee universities. It makes three main arguments. First, student protests over in loco parentis restrictions fit into an emerging student demand for autonomy more broadly, even in a politically and culturally conservative state like Tennessee. Second, these student power debates complicate the 1960s movements declension narrative, since Tennessee student activism peaked in 1970. Third, though black and white students both demanded greater personal autonomy, continued racial inequities on and off Tennessee campuses rendered their experiences distinct.
“…138 National media also analyzed the event, and highlighted his domestic agenda of appealing to southern and youth voters. 139 In the ABC News report on the event, which unlike NBC and CBS focused on the presence of anti-war demonstrators rather than Nixon's speech, reporter Charles Murphy stated that within Neyland Stadium "the anti-war demonstrators were a small minority, but the fact that they were even here, on a conservative campus in a conservative state illustrates the deep division even here." 140 Chancellor Weaver defended the university's position soon after the event.…”
This article examines 1960s student power debates at Tennessee universities. It makes three main arguments. First, student protests over in loco parentis restrictions fit into an emerging student demand for autonomy more broadly, even in a politically and culturally conservative state like Tennessee. Second, these student power debates complicate the 1960s movements declension narrative, since Tennessee student activism peaked in 1970. Third, though black and white students both demanded greater personal autonomy, continued racial inequities on and off Tennessee campuses rendered their experiences distinct.
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