Beyond Sectarianism: Hegemony, Reproduction and Resilience in Lebanon

Peri, Rosita Di

doi:10.1080/13629395.2016.1215047

Cited by 3 publications

(6 citation statements)

References 4 publications

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“…The issue of sectarianism and its effects on the country's political system "have been part of a broad debate among supporters and detractors of the system: while the Lebanese constitution of 1926, the National Pact of 1943 and the Ta'if Accord of 1989 called for the abolition of the confessional system, Lebanese political events and actors have shown a total inability to reform it" (Di Peri, 2016). Many scholars have tackled sectarianism from different perspectives using different arguments; they try to elaborate on the functioning of the system, how is able to reproduce, adapt and renew itself, its resilience and the way it adapts to changing local, regional, and international conditions.…”

Section: Sectarianism "Libanaise"mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In "The Politics of Sectarianism in Postwar Lebanon", the authors analyze sectarianism from a Foucauldian perspective (Di Peri, 2016). Salloukh and his colleagues (2015) argue that "sectarianism in Lebanon cannot be separated from the domestic or regional context.…”

Section: Sectarianism "Libanaise"mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Locally, the weakness of the Lebanese state has allowed the sectarian system to exploit the state as a tool for its perpetuation and consolidation, placing the State's fiscal policies at the service of the economic elites and their class' interests. This leaves the country open to external influences, making the 'state system' easily manipulated and outmaneuvered" (Di Peri, 2016). On the other hand, Ussama Makdisi (2000) define sectarianism "as the product of a series of processes through which a kind of religious identity is politicized, even secularized, as part of an obvious struggle for power," and Paul Kingston (2013), unlike the Orientalist/primordialist focus of much of the literature on sectarianism, assumes that "sectarianism has been 'constructed' and 'produced' by various socioeconomic and political factors.…”

Section: Sectarianism "Libanaise"mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Meanwhile, Kingston places his argument in three different theoretical frameworks: The first framework is associated to historical institutionalism of the Lebanese sectarian democracy, a "model that produces circuits of path-dependence and creates powerful obstacle to change, especially for civil society" (Di Peri, 2016).…”

Section: Lebanese Civil Societymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The third and last framework is about the creation, by the same sectarian elite, of a counter-hegemonic power through "associative networks" (Kingston, 2013). These networks include "members chosen and co-opted by the elite and members of civil society that escape from the 'sectarian hegemony'" (Di Peri, 2016). Although the networks are depicted as forces countering the sectarian influence, they are, from the backside, controlled by the sectarian elite.…”

Section: Lebanese Civil Societymentioning

confidence: 99%

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Advocating for the Rights of Sexual Minorities within a Sectarian System. (c2020)

Khalek¹

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Despite the tolerant attitude towards same sex desire and homoerotism in pre-colonial Arab/Islamic societies, postcolonial Arab countries, unanimously condemn homosexuality. It is argued that this rejection resulted from multilayered elements such as Western colonialism and the patriarchal foundations of religious societies. With respect to Lebanon, an additional element needs to be considered: its consociational political system. In Lebanon, it is believed that the only way to ensure peace and stability is to provide political and institutional representation to the sectarian communities under a sectarian power-sharing governing framework. This sectarian system, where politics and religion are intertwined, imposes a patriarchal model of life where the only acceptable standard or norm is heterosexuality, thus legitimizing the oppression of society’s segments that do not subscribe to the patriarchal system. The blend of patriarchy and sectarianism marginalizes and discriminates against sexual minorities. This thesis shows how political sectarianism, in addition to a fragmented LGBTIQ+ community, the communitarian/minority discourse used by LGBTIQ+ NGOs and a penal code that criminalizes “unnatural-sex”, all hinder the advancement of the rights of LGBTIQ+ individuals. Given the low probability to find an alternative to the sectarian system, the LGBTIQ+ advocacy movement is obliged to navigate this system by implementing a number of strategies: moving away from identity politics, implementing an intersectional approach to include LGBTIQ+ issues in a broader social movement, and establishing alliances with political factions.

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Section: Sectarianism "Libanaise"mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Sectarianism "Libanaise"mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Sectarianism "Libanaise"mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Lebanese Civil Societymentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Lebanese Civil Societymentioning

confidence: 99%

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Advocating for the Rights of Sexual Minorities within a Sectarian System. (c2020)

Khalek¹

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Vertical Property Challenges to the “Rights of Return”: The Case of Palestinian Refugee Camps in Lebanon

Samhan,

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2024

Innovations for Land Management, Governance, and Land Rights for Sustainable Urban Transitions

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Mediterranean in Dis/order

Peri¹,

Meier²

2023

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Mediterranean in Dis/order reveals the connection between space and politics by examining the role that space has played in insurgencies, conflicts, uprisings, and mobilities in the Mediterranean region. With this approach, the authors are able to challenge well-established beliefs about the power structure of the state across different disciplines (including political science, history, sociology, geography, and anthropology), and its impact on the conception, production, and imagination of space in the broader Mediterranean. Further, they contribute to particular areas of studies, such as migration, political Islam, mobilization, and transition to democracy, among others. The book, infusing critical theory, unveils original and revelatory case studies in Tunisia, Libya, Lebanon, Turkey, Syria, Morocco, and the EU Mediterranean policy, through a various set of actors and practices—from refugees and migrations policies, to Islamist or students’ movements, architectural sites, or movies. This multidisciplinary perspective on space and power provides a valuable resource for practitioners interested in how space, context, and time interact to produce institutions, political subjectivities, and asymmetries of power, particularly since the turning point of the Arab uprisings. The book also helps readers understand the conditions under which the uprisings develop, giving a clearer picture about various national, regional, and international dynamics.

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Beyond Sectarianism: Hegemony, Reproduction and Resilience in Lebanon

Cited by 3 publications

References 4 publications

Advocating for the Rights of Sexual Minorities within a Sectarian System. (c2020)

Advocating for the Rights of Sexual Minorities within a Sectarian System. (c2020)

Vertical Property Challenges to the “Rights of Return”: The Case of Palestinian Refugee Camps in Lebanon

Mediterranean in Dis/order

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