Abstract:This article applies the problem of civilian control over the military to the realm of private military contractors. The author argues that military outsourcing strips the principal —agent relationship of many of the structures and dynamics that states have traditionally used to control militaries. Many of the same qualities that make private military corporations successful as both economic actors and political surrogates also lead to reductions in the possibility for effective civilian control. The author su… Show more
“…McFate () illustrated the dominant role of DynCorps International in the buildup of Liberia's armed forces. McCoy () emphasized the reductions in the possibility for effective civilian control of outsourced militaries. Avant and De Nevers () warned against the possibility of PMSCs used to pursue agendas that do not have the support of American, international, or local publics.…”
Though private military and security companies (PMSCs) have been addressed extensively in the literature, little research has been done on the contractors themselves, leaving us in the dark as to who these individuals are. In this article, we focus on the critical case of the United States armed services and argue that two broad developments have been converging that both point to the need for new, microlevel sociological research on the people who are involved in the global PMSC industry. To this end, we first draw from an extensive political science literature to illustrate the rise of the PMSCs and concomitant evolution of the security sector, while noting a new trend that points to the need for moving from the macrosocial to the microsocial level of inquiry. Second, we indicate the challenges contractors pose to the sociological paradigm of military professionalism: These suggest a need to move from the mesosocial to the microsocial level of inquiry. We conclude by reviewing the existing research on the demographics of the sector and then indicating the troubling gaps in our current understanding of this critical sector of the national security apparatus.
“…McFate () illustrated the dominant role of DynCorps International in the buildup of Liberia's armed forces. McCoy () emphasized the reductions in the possibility for effective civilian control of outsourced militaries. Avant and De Nevers () warned against the possibility of PMSCs used to pursue agendas that do not have the support of American, international, or local publics.…”
Though private military and security companies (PMSCs) have been addressed extensively in the literature, little research has been done on the contractors themselves, leaving us in the dark as to who these individuals are. In this article, we focus on the critical case of the United States armed services and argue that two broad developments have been converging that both point to the need for new, microlevel sociological research on the people who are involved in the global PMSC industry. To this end, we first draw from an extensive political science literature to illustrate the rise of the PMSCs and concomitant evolution of the security sector, while noting a new trend that points to the need for moving from the macrosocial to the microsocial level of inquiry. Second, we indicate the challenges contractors pose to the sociological paradigm of military professionalism: These suggest a need to move from the mesosocial to the microsocial level of inquiry. We conclude by reviewing the existing research on the demographics of the sector and then indicating the troubling gaps in our current understanding of this critical sector of the national security apparatus.
“…Such large and powerful corporations have likewise been able to appoint Boards of Directors that seem uniquely suited to securing government contracts. (Armstrong, 2008;McCoy, 2010). Under Cheney's leadership, KBR were able to secure more than $2.3 billion in government contracts, double what they earned in the previous five years.…”
Section: Section 5: the Psi Transparency And The Security-industrial Complexmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The increasing use of the PSI, the relative freedom under which the industry operates, (Armstrong, 2008;McCoy, 2010).…”
Despite the international reach, and increasing global importance, of the free market provision of military and security services -which we label the Private Security Industry -management and organisation studies has yet to pay significant attention to this industry. Taking up Grey's (2009) call for scholarship at the boundaries between security studies and organisation studies and building on Banerjee's (2008) treatment of the PSI as a key element in necrocapitalism, in this paper we aim to trace the long history of the PSI and argue that it has re-emerged over the last two decades against, and as a result of, a very specific politico-economic backdrop. We then suggest that the PSI operates as a mechanism for neoliberal imperialism; demonstrate its substitution for and supplementing of the state; and count some of the costs of this privatisation of war.Finally, we take seriously Hughes's (2007) thesis of the growth of a new securityindustrial complex, and of the intersecting elites who benefit from this phenomenon.
“…This is largely because private contractors are recruited from databases and do not spend time training together, which harms the cohesion and the preparedness of PMSC operations. 25 More generally, the use of PMSCs reinforces a narrow, technical (and largely mistaken) view of protection and war fighting as being simply a question of military and security efficacy, 26 thereby ignoring other key -often political -factors that are crucial to fighting a just war and to deterring aggressors successfully. Moreover, any (alleged) efficiency savings from the hiring of PMSCs are likely, at least in part, to result from cuts to areas that are important for the legitimacy of military force.…”
Section: Pmscs and The Moderate Instrumentalist Approachmentioning
The legitimacy of the military is frequently overlooked in standard accounts of jus ad bellum. Accordingly, this paper considers how the military should be organized. It proposes a normative conception of legitimacy -the 'Moderate Instrumentalist Approach' -that outlines the qualities that a military should possess. It then assesses the three leading ways of organizing the military according to this approach: the use of private military and security companies (PMSCs), a conscripted force and the all-volunteer force (AVF). The paper argues that the AVF, despite some notable problems, is the most legitimate way of organizing the military.
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