“…An anti-pluralistic element is rooted in these considerations: both the populist people and the technocratic elite tend to become “a total part” (Ragazzoni, 2016), producing an implicit delegitimization of the opposition. Based on the observation of these dynamics, some recent perspectives (Pabst, 2022) have offered a nonbinary interpretation of populism and technocracy, arguing that both phenomena share the underlying political logic and are often mixed in the projects of political actors representing variants of technopopulism, such as what Barnett (2000) called “corporate populists” (those parties and leaders that in the past used direct appeal to the masses to reinforce dominant paradigms such as globalization and free markets, e.g., the Reagan-led Republican Party and Thatcher’s Conservative Party) or the “insurgent populists” (i.e., those actors who, while proposing an illiberal and corporate vision, e.g., the Republican Party under Trump’s leadership and Orbán’s Fidesz, and a radical opposition to liberal élites and political opponents, e.g., Podemos and its leader Iglesias or La France Insoumise led by Mélenchon, often resort to technocratic proposals for problem-solving).…”