1979
DOI: 10.2307/2208151
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Between Black and White: Attitudes Toward Southern Mulattoes, 1830-1861

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Cited by 13 publications
(19 citation statements)
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“…For a time our racial structure was more similar to that of Latin America with a sizable mulatto—mixed Black and White—group sitting as a subset of Black but in many ways between Black and White people. Not only did mulattos sometimes go to great lengths to separate themselves from Black people, White people also recognized their utility as a buffer class, a shield from Black people, particularly during the antebellum years (Gullickson, 2010; Toplin, 1979). A legislative report investigating a planned slave revolt in the early 1820s confirms this sentiment.…”
Section: The History Of Colorism: Racial Reorganization and The Maintmentioning
confidence: 99%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…For a time our racial structure was more similar to that of Latin America with a sizable mulatto—mixed Black and White—group sitting as a subset of Black but in many ways between Black and White people. Not only did mulattos sometimes go to great lengths to separate themselves from Black people, White people also recognized their utility as a buffer class, a shield from Black people, particularly during the antebellum years (Gullickson, 2010; Toplin, 1979). A legislative report investigating a planned slave revolt in the early 1820s confirms this sentiment.…”
Section: The History Of Colorism: Racial Reorganization and The Maintmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Critical race theorists argue that racialized inequality remains robust to changes in the racial structure and the trajectory of color inequality in the United States has certainly followed that trend. Lighter skinned Black Americans have, at various points, been viewed as an independent and superior racial group, mongrel and deficient racial group, and collapsed into a collective Black based on the country’s circumstances (Frazier, 1933; Gross, 1998; Hochschild & Powell, 2008; Toplin, 1979). Yet, at each point, despite shifting external perceptions, census categories, and self-identifications, they maintained their advantage, demonstrating the malleability of race and its ability to recalibrate.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Additionally, historians and social scientists credit chattel slavery with creating a system of light skin preference through slave owners’ fondness for mixed Mulatto slaves (Frazier, 1930; Reuter, 1917; Toplin, 1979). They generally argue that system of light skin preference persisted through the eventual codification and institutionalization of the one-drop rule into the modern system of colorism or skin tone stratification among Black Americans (Keith & Herring, 1991; Washington, 2011).…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…From 1850 to 1930, the Census did not record “Black” as a single discrete racial category. Instead, Census enumerators were instructed to record whether a Black identified person was also Mulatto, that is Black–White multiracial, but generally, enumerators neglected to delve too deeply into family histories and relied on phenotypic markers and local customs to decide how to code people (Gross, 1998; Hochschild & Powell, 2008; Toplin, 1979). This meant the distinction between “Mulatto” and “Black” often correlated strongly with differences in skin tone, with Mulattos, who were presumed to be multiracial, functioning as a light-skinned group of Black Americans, and “regular” Blacks, presumed to be racially pure, functioning as a dark-skinned group of Black Americans.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Post-Civil War, advantages associated with skin tone persisted in the form of preferential hiring practices, business ownership, homeownership, human capital attainment and political leadership [28-30]. There is evidence that the mulatto elite acted decisively to retain their higher social standing 2 .…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%