Berlin: Economic and Spatial Change

Gornig, Martin; Häußermann, Hartmut

doi:10.1177/096977640200900404

Cited by 16 publications

(7 citation statements)

References 6 publications

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“…East Germany remained largely unaffected by these changes (Gornig/Häußermann 2002). Prior to World War II, economic development in the GDR had exceeded the German average, and urban economies in Saxony (Leipzig, Chemnitz, and Dresden) were among Germany's strongest.…”

Section: Background and Research Questionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Deindustrialization and the Polarization of Household Incomes: The Example of Urban Agglomerations in Germany

Goebel

Gornig

2015

SSRN Journal

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Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen:Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden.Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen.Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte.

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Section: Background and Research Questionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Deindustrialization and the Polarization of Household Incomes: The Example of Urban Agglomerations in Germany

Goebel

Gornig

2015

SSRN Journal

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“…Berlin is Germany’s postreunification capital and most cosmopolitan city (Arandjelovic and Bogunovich 2014), yet its economy has remained stagnant since 1990 (Gornig and Häussermann 2002). Nevertheless, migrants, libertines, and young professionals continue to be attracted to Berlin because of its unorthodox history of ideological and spatial division.…”

Section: Güterbahnhof Moabit: the Making Of Place In Berlinmentioning

confidence: 99%

Artists, Temporality, and the Governance of Collaborative Place-Making

Bain

Landau

2017

Urban Affairs Review

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Place-making is a policy exercise rooted in a politics of both space and time. By examining the temporal sequencing of discursive relations and governance networks in the cultural redevelopment of Güterbahnhof Moabit in Berlin, this article demonstrates the fallacy of place-making via artist proxy. It documents the hidden expectations of artist stakeholders and the overextension of their capacities in their municipally delegated and self-assumed roles as “strategic” and “collaborative” partners with local government in place-making processes. It argues that contrary to collaborative and participatory governance ideals, artists are often singularly responsibilized by civic leaders to realize place-narratives for a community rather than with them, which creates a fundamental barrier to community engagement.

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“…East Berlin's economy was the center of a socialist command‐and‐control economy that proudly presented itself as one of the strongest economies of the Communist world, while in reality it rapidly became obsolete and uncompetitive in the 1980s. Both problematic heritages were not easy to replace with an up‐to‐date, internationally competitive metropolitan economy (Gornig & Häussermann, ; Krätke, ). While hope and optimistic future scenarios dominated the first half of the 1990s, disappointment dominated the second half of that decade.…”

Section: Berlin: Creative Knowledge City?mentioning

confidence: 99%

What about Culture for the Ordinary Workforce? A Study on the Locational Preferences of the Creative Class in Prenzlauer Berg, Berlin

Heerden

Bontje

2014

Journal of Urban Affairs

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Richard Florida's creative class concept hardly needs introduction, neither in academic nor in urban and regional policy circles. The essence in a nutshell: the economic future of cities depends on their ability to attract creative people; and these creatives are attracted most to places that are tolerant, diverse, lively, and amenity‐rich. Florida assigns these locational preferences specifically to the creative class, implying that they are of less importance to the “ordinary” workforce. With the help of a survey we compare the reasons why people moved to or stayed in Berlin's most bohemian neighborhood, Prenzlauer Berg. We make a distinction between those who are categorized as “creative class” and others. Our results indicate that despite its unique character the creative class is not predominantly driven by the locational preferences Florida specifically assigned to them. Remarkably, these locational preferences appear more important drivers of residential choices for the ordinary workforce.

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Berlin: Economic and Spatial Change

Cited by 16 publications

References 6 publications

Deindustrialization and the Polarization of Household Incomes: The Example of Urban Agglomerations in Germany

Deindustrialization and the Polarization of Household Incomes: The Example of Urban Agglomerations in Germany

Artists, Temporality, and the Governance of Collaborative Place-Making

What about Culture for the Ordinary Workforce? A Study on the Locational Preferences of the Creative Class in Prenzlauer Berg, Berlin

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