Being Victims or Beneficiaries? Perspectives on Female Genital Cutting and Reinfibulation in Sudan

Abstract

Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) or the more value neutral term, Female Genital Cutting (FGC) is widely practised in northern Sudan, where around 90% of women undergo the most extensive form of FGC, infibulation. One new approach to combating FGC in Sudan is to acknowledge the previously hidden form of FGC, reinfibulation (RI) after delivery, when the woman is sewn back so much as to mimic virginity. Based on a qualitative study in Khartoum State, this article explores Sudanese women's and men's perceptions and experiences of FGC with emphasis on RI after delivery. The results showed that both genders blame each other for the continuation of the practices, and the comprehensive understanding of the perceptions and experiences was that both the women and the men in this study were victims of the consequences of FGC and RI. The female narratives could be understood in the three categories: viewing oneself as being "normal" in having undergone FGC and RI; being caught between different perspectives; and having limited influence on the practices of FGC and RI. The male narratives could be understood in the three categories: suffering from the consequences of FGC and RI, trying to counterbalance the negative sexual effects of FGC and striving in vain to change female traditions.The results indicate that the complexity of the persistence of FGC and RI goes far beyond being explained by subconscious patriarchal and maternalistic actions, related to socially constructed concepts of normality, female identity, tradition and religion in a "silent" culture between men and women. RÉSUMÉEtre victimes ou bénéficiaries? Perspectives sur la mutilation génitale féminine et la reinfibulation au. La mutilation génitale féminine (MGF) ou bien le terme neutre de plus de valeur, l'excision génitale féminine (EGF) est pratiquée un peu partout au Soudan, où environ 90% des femmes subissent le type le plus coûteux de l'infibulation, l'EGF. Une nouvelle approche pour combattre l'EGF au Soudan consiste à reconnaître l'ancienne forme cachée de l'EGF, la reinfibulation après l'accouchement quand la femme est tellement recoussue si tellement comme pour imiter la virginité. Cet article qui est fondé sur une étude qualitative sur l'état de Khartoum explore les perceptions et l'expérience des femmes et des hommes soudanais par rapport à l'EGF, tout en mettant l'accent sur la RI après l'accouchement. Les résultats ont montré que les deux genres s'accusent l'un et l'autre pour la continuation de la pratique et la compréhension totale des perspectives et des expériences étaient que les femmes et les hommes dans cette étude sont victimes des conséquences des l'EGF et de la RI. Les narrations des femmes peuvent être comprises dans trois catégories: s'apercevant comme un être "normal" pour avoir subi l'EGF et la RI; être attrapées entre les perspectives différentes ayant une influence limitée sur les pratiques de l'EGF. Les narrations des hommes peuvent être comprises dans les trois catégories: la souffrance provoquée par les conséquences de ...

Male perspectives on FGM among communities of African heritage in Italy

“…Within the group of men from Somalia, infibulation was rejected by all the participants; "sunna," on the other hand (either Table II How FGM/C was seen by the 50 participants; more than an answer is possible FGM/C is considered a n Note: Out of 50 men, eight did not express any attitude clitoridectomy or cutting/scarification/pricking of the clitoris), was approved by half of the participants. Similar results were found by two qualitative studies conducted among men in Sudan (Berggren et al, 2006) and men and women in Somalia (Gele et al, 2013).…”

“…On the other hand, they often referred to the hadiths to justify the acceptance of the practice by Islam (Hadiths: stories handed down orally and later recorded, related to the actions and sayings of the Prophet Muhammad, which represent, after the Qur'an, the second source of Islamic teachings) (Scolart, 2004). The perception of the practice as an Islamic requirement has been reported among men in Sudan (Almroth et al, 2001;Herieka and Dhar, 2003;Berggren et al, 2006) and Gambia (Kaplan et al, 2013). Interviews with 222 male university students in Khartoum, Sudan, found that only 14 percent supported the practice.…”

“…Among these, 77.4 percent believed it is dictated by Islam (Herieka and Dhar, 2003). Berggren et al found that religion was invoked by men as an argument both for and against the practice and many of them claimed that the close link between religion, culture and tradition is an obstacle to changing the tradition (Berggren et al, 2006): those men who wanted their daughter to undergo FGM/C, preferred clitoridectomy (often called sunna) with a belief that it is required by Islam. Men who were against FGM/C believed that there is no religious prescription for such interventions on female genitalia.…”

“…In a cross-sectional survey on 492 Somali men and women who took refuge in Ethiopia, the intention to subject their daughter to FGM/C was significantly lower in men (75.2 percent) than in women (91.1 percent) (Mitike and Deressa, 2009). Some studies showed that mothers and grandmothers often decide to carry out the practice and, fathers and grandfathers, have a lesser role in this decision (Herieka and Dhar, 2003;Berggren et al, 2006;Shell-Duncan and Herniund, 2006;Amusan and Asekun, 2007). A qualitative research conducted in Senegal and Gambia, found that fathers were less in favor of continuing the practice than mothers.…”

“…In Sudan, men who were opposed to FGM/C for their daughters were unable to prevent their wives from choosing to circumcise their daughter. They perceived that both the decision to circumcise daughters and to be re-infibulated falls within the domain of women only (Berggren et al, 2006).…”