Before Lagoa Santa: Micro-remain and technological analysis in a lithic artifact from the Itaparica industry

Flores, Rodrigo Angeles; Sousa, João Carlos Moreno de; Araújo, Astolfo Gomes de Mello; Ceccantini, Gregório

doi:10.2218/jls.v3i1.1423

Cited by 12 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 16 publications

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“…Likewise, at Lapa Grande de Taquaraçu, yams and a diversity of palms appear by~11 k BP [157,158]. Remains of pequi (Caryocar brasiliense), courbaril and licuri (Syagrus coronata) appear associated with burials of early inhabitants of the Santana do Riacho cave betweeñ 11 and~9 k BP [159].…”

Section: Early Human Entanglements In the Neotropicsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Disentangling Domestication from Food Production Systems in the Neotropics

et al. 2021

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The Neolithic Revolution narrative associates early-mid Holocene domestications with the development of agriculture that fueled the rise of late Holocene civilizations. This narrative continues to be influential, even though it has been deconstructed by archaeologists and geneticists in its homeland. To further disentangle domestication from reliance on food production systems, such as agriculture, we revisit definitions of domestication and food production systems, review the late Pleistocene–early Holocene archaeobotanical record, and quantify the use, management and domestication of Neotropical plants to provide insights about the past. Neotropical plant domestication relies on common human behaviors (selection, accumulation and caring) within agroecological systems that focus on individual plants, rather than populations—as is typical of agriculture. The early archaeobotanical record includes numerous perennial and annual species, many of which later became domesticated. Some of this evidence identifies dispersal with probable cultivation, suggesting incipient domestication by 10,000 years ago. Since the Pleistocene, more than 6500, 1206 and 6261 native plant species have been used in Mesoamerica, the Central Andes and lowland South America, respectively. At least 1555, 428 and 742 are managed outside and inside food production systems, and at least 1148, 428 and 600 are cultivated, respectively, suggesting at least incipient domestication. Full native domesticates are more numerous in Mesoamerica (251) than the Andes (124) and the lowlands (45). This synthesis reveals that domestication is more common in the Neotropics than previously recognized and started much earlier than reliance on food production systems. Hundreds of ethnic groups had, and some still have, alternative strategies that do involve domestication, although they do not rely principally on food production systems, such as agriculture.

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Section: Early Human Entanglements In the Neotropicsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Disentangling Domestication from Food Production Systems in the Neotropics

et al. 2021

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“…Unfortunately, these studies were suddenly interrupted by the unfortunate case of her death, but they were responsible for the discovery of Lagoa Santa and Luzia-the oldest human skeleton known in the Americas until then. It was only in the 2010s that new systematic research in the area was carried out, led by Walter Neves [106], including interdisciplinary analyses of the material culture, such as fauna [107,108], human skeletons, and burials [109][110][111], lithic industry [112][113][114][115][116][117], micro residues [20,118,119], and bone industry [120, 121]. Thanks to this research, specific cultural patterns were identified for the region that persisted from the Pleistocene-Holocene transition until some centuries before the Portuguese conquest.…”

Section: The Lagoassantense Culturementioning

confidence: 99%

“…He also defined a new archaeological tradition as a result-the Itaparica tradition-and associated all known sites with lesmas to it. In the decades to come, several researchers would associate the presence of lesmas to the Itaparica tradition in Northeastern and Midwestern Brazil, even though there was a lot of doubt about the supposed technological homogeneity of these tools [20][21][22][23][24][25][26][27]. Systematical research on comparing lesmas from different sites, regions and periods are still scarce to this day, but most authors agree that in most regions where lesmas appear, there is a lack of stemmed points or bifacial technology in general.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Technological Diversity of Lithic Industries in Eastern South America during the Late Pleistocene-Holocene Transition

Sousa¹

2020

Pleistocene Archaeology - Migration, Technology, and Adaptation

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Brazilian archaeological literature has insisted for decades upon associating hunter-gatherer sites dated to the Pleistocene-Holocene transition either to the Itaparica tradition, if located in central or northeastern Brazil, or to the Umbu tradition and Humaitá tradition, if located in southern Brazil, Uruguay, or any other adjacent part of Paraguay and Argentina. These associations have been based almost entirely on the presence or absence of lesmas and "projectile points," regardless of their morphological and technological features. In the Uruguayan archaeological literature, three other cultures are recognised: Fell industry, Catalanense industry, and Tigre tradition, all in the Uruguayan region. However, the last 10 years of systematic studies on the lithic assemblages from these sites have shown that Paleoindian societies from Eastern South America are more culturally diverse than expected and that previously defined archaeological cultures present several issues in their definition, suggesting that many of these "traditions" are not valid and should no longer be used. Instead, new lithic industries and archaeological cultures should be defined only when cultural patterns are observable through systematic analyses.

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