2020
DOI: 10.1007/978-3-030-43925-5_4
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Authoritarian Rule and Economic Groups in Chile: A Case of Winner-Takes-All Politics

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Cited by 7 publications
(5 citation statements)
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“…Desde la recuperación de la democracia en 1990 hasta el plebiscito de 2020, el gran empresariado ha vuelto a recuperar su comportamiento de grupo de presión (Álvarez, 2015;Huneeus y Undurraga, 2021), consolidando un universo simbólico propio de un milieu conservador (Bourdieu y Wacquant, 2001b), tecnocrático, al que se le agrega un componente religioso (Thumala, 2007) similar al resto de grupos de elite en el país.…”
Section: El Comportamiento Político De Los Empresarios En La Historia...unclassified
“…Desde la recuperación de la democracia en 1990 hasta el plebiscito de 2020, el gran empresariado ha vuelto a recuperar su comportamiento de grupo de presión (Álvarez, 2015;Huneeus y Undurraga, 2021), consolidando un universo simbólico propio de un milieu conservador (Bourdieu y Wacquant, 2001b), tecnocrático, al que se le agrega un componente religioso (Thumala, 2007) similar al resto de grupos de elite en el país.…”
Section: El Comportamiento Político De Los Empresarios En La Historia...unclassified
“…This article aligns with this trend and delves into a study that examines the effects of carceral governmentality within the domestic space of prisoners' households. It brings a novel perspective to carceral geography by conceptualising a variant of carceral domesticity shaped by a neoliberal regime rooted in authoritarian traditions (Huneeus and Undurraga, 2021), deeply influenced by a history of exclusion and marginalisation at the Latin American regional level (Salvatore et al, 2001;Salvatore and Aguirre, 1996), and affected by the contradictions inherent to capitalism in the Global South (Burte and Kamath, 2023).…”
Section: Framing Carceral Domesticitymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Against accounts of market efficiency, meritocracy, and small government, the revolution from above designed by the Chicago Boys and violently implemented by the Pinochet government reorganized Chile’s economy for the coming era of globalization as a primary product exporter (Bellisario, 2007). The dictatorship’s reforms dismantled the entrepreneurial state as well as the welfare state, and privatizations were a tool of internal political and social warfare that dismantled social movements and organized labour more than economic reforms in line with liberal pretenses (Clark 2018; Huneeus and Undurraga, 2021: 92). Nepotism and patronage were more common than picking oneself up by the proverbial bootstraps; the state’s retreat from the economy entailed the sell-off of public assets to an emerging coterie of connected oligarchs rather than the fine tuning by any contrived spectral hand of policy (Clark, 2018).…”
Section: Neoliberal Extractivism In Chilementioning
confidence: 99%
“…The Mapuche have fought for independence and autonomy since the colonial era – a fight that has more recently included resistance to neoliberal reforms in water, forestry, and land (Tricot, 2009). Widespread protests during the 1982 to 1983 economic crisis forced concessions from the regime, loosening some aspects of its control over civil society (Huneeus and Undurraga, 2021: 107). More recently, youth lead movements have challenged the neoliberal social order in strikes for the right to the city and mobility (McSherry and Molina, 2011), in environmental protections for fragile ecosystems impacted by logging and mining (Arboleda 2020; Riofrancos 2019), and in the fight for reproductive freedom, sexual liberation and gender equality (Green Rioja, 2021), among other struggles.…”
Section: Leaving the Dictator’s Shadow?mentioning
confidence: 99%