Abstract:This article investigates the manner in which anti-austerity protests constitute practical negations of capitalist legitimacy. The analysis is divided into three parts. The first part discusses the key issues at stake in contemporary anti-austerity protests, from capitalist legitimacy to collective forms of autonomy. The second part examines central sociological dimensions permeating the reality of austerity, from the power of the state, via the pervasive processes of commodification, to the emergence of a “ne… Show more
“…Böylesi bir durumda-özellikle de bir para birliğine üye olan ülkeler içinkemer sıkma politikalarının uygulanması yerine ödemeler bilançosu sorununu çözmeye yönelik politikalara öncelik verilmelidir (UNCTAD, 2011). (Browne & Susen, 2014).…”
Section: İngiltereunclassified
“…Neo-liberal model bu amacını; özelleştirme, deregülasyon, bürokratikleşmenin azaltılması, ademi merkezileşmesi süreçleri ile işletmektedir. Bu nedenle 21. yüzyılda kemer sıkma politikaları bu neo-liberal politikanın ayrılmaz bir parçasıdır(Browne & Susen, 2014) Dünya ekonomisinde 1970'lere kadar bütçe açığının verilmesi, başarılı bir şekilde genişleyici maliye politikası uygulamanın doğal bir yolu olarak görülmüştür. Bu müdahaleci politikaların kamu kesiminin etkinsizliği, kaynak tahsisinde bozulmalara yol açtığı şeklindeki eleştiriler ve karşı çıkmalar sonucunda 1980'li yıllarda küresel sistemde neo-liberal politikaların hakimiyeti görülmeye başlamıştır.…”
Kemer sıkma politikaları, özellikle 2008 küresel krizi sonrasında kendisine yaygın bir şekilde uygulama alanı bulmuş politikalardır. Ortaya çıkardığı ekonomik ve sosyal etkiler nedeniyle önemli derecede eleştiriye ve incelemeye konu olan kemer sıkma politikaları, mevcut küresel ekonomik sistem ve hakim düşünce yapısı olmaksızın yeterli şekilde analiz edilemeyecektir. Neo-liberal politikalar, finansal serbestleşme ve eşitsizliğin mevcut olduğu küresel ekonomik sistem içerisinde kemer sıkma politikaları; hem gelişmiş hem de gelişmekte olan ülkeler üzerinde iktisadi büyüme ve ekonomik performans noktasında farklı sonuçlar ortaya çıkarmaktadır. Bu nedenle kemer sıkma politikalarının nasıl kavramsallaştırıldığı ve ne tür eleştiriler üzerinden değerlendirildiğine bu çalışmada yer verilecektir.
“…And yet, behind the euphemistic language of 'openness', 'change', and 'dynamism' lurk both competitiveness, as an ideal, and competition, as a reality. In the face of the increasing individualization of societies that are governed by neo-liberal regimes and, in many cases, hit by austerity programmes 271 , it has become a given to 'put everyone in competition with everyone else and, thereby, fragment realms whose only defensive resource would be union' 272 . The gradual 'withdrawal of the state' 273 from the economy -that is, the end of Keynesian state-interventionism -signals the emergence of a new type of domination: […] this new form of domination […], a reorientation of the state's modes of action, permitting it to serve the interests of a type of capitalism that has itself been profoundly modified.…”
This article aims to demonstrate the enduring relevance of Pierre Bourdieu and Luc Boltanski’s ‘La production de l’idéologie dominante’ [‘The production of the dominant ideology’], which was originally published in Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales in 1976. More than three decades later, in 2008, a re-edited version of this study was printed in book format as La production de l’idéologie dominante, which was accompanied by a detailed commentary, written by Luc Boltanski and entitled Rendre la réalité inacceptable. À propos de « La production de l’idéologie dominante » [ Making Reality Unacceptable. Comments on ‘The production of the dominant ideology’]. In addition to containing revealing personal anecdotes and providing important sociological insights, this commentary offers an insider account of the genesis of one of the most seminal pieces Boltanski co-wrote with his intellectual father, Bourdieu. In the Anglophone literature on contemporary French sociology, however, the theoretical contributions made both in the original study and in Boltanski’s commentary have received little – if any – serious attention. This article aims to fill this gap in the literature, arguing that these two texts can be regarded not only as forceful reminders of the fact that the ‘dominant ideology thesis’ is far from obsolete but also as essential for understanding both the personal and the intellectual underpinnings of the tension-laden relationship between Bourdieu and Boltanski. Furthermore, this article offers a critical overview of the extent to which the unexpected, and partly posthumous, reunion between ‘the master’ (Bourdieu) and his ‘dissident disciple’ (Boltanski) equips us with powerful conceptual tools, which, whilst illustrating the continuing centrality of ‘ideology critique’, permit us to shed new light on key concerns in contemporary sociology and social theory. Finally, the article seeks to push the debate forward by reflecting upon several issues that are not given sufficient attention by Bourdieu and Boltanski in their otherwise original and insightful enquiry into the complexities characterizing the daily production of ideology.
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