Assigning reference in clausal nominalizations

Bliss, Heather

doi:10.1075/la.210.04bli

Cited by 3 publications

(3 citation statements)

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“…In other words, the assignment of the R-argument is not mediated by the nominalizing head but rather by the embedded verbal structure. This resembles reference assignment in Blackfoot clausal nominalization, which does not have a consistent reference and whose referent is necessarily internal to the nominalized constituent (Bliss 2014). The argument that acts as the referent depends on the cluster of properties exhibited by the embedded clause.…”

Section: Instrumental Readingsmentioning

confidence: 92%

“…The argument that acts as the referent depends on the cluster of properties exhibited by the embedded clause. Blackfoot, however, has multiple types of nominalization and in fact has two dedicated nominalizers with consistent referent assignment: "abstract" or process nominalization with -hsin, and instrumental nominalization with -a'tsis (Bliss 2014;Wiltschko 2014;Ritter 2014). In Ktunaxa, nominalizations are all accomplished through k, which nominalizes its complement (nominalization-via-complementation in Wiltschko 2014).…”

Section: Instrumental Readingsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…I will leave a formal account of nominalization referent-assignment in Ktunaxa along the lines of Bliss (2014) for Blackfoot to future work. Informally, the presence of verbal argument-introducing morphemes (see Morgan 1991: 309-314 for more on these "involvement suffixes") modulates which argument functions as the referent for the nominalization.…”

Section: Instrumental Readingsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Deverbal nominalizations in Ktunaxa

Gatchalian¹

2020

ZWJW

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This paper presents an overview on deverbal nominalizations from Ktunaxa, a language isolate spoken in eastern British Columbia, Canada. Deverbal nominalizations are formed uniformly with a left-peripheral nominalizing particle k (Morgan 1991). However, they do not form a single homogenous class with respect to various syntactic properties. These properties are illustrated with novel data, showing that deverbal nominalizations fall into at least two classes, which are analyzed here as nominalization taking place at either vP or VP, where vP-nominalizations include the external argument and VP-nominalizations do not. Evidence for this division comes from how possession is expressed, the interpretation of the passive (and passive-like constructions), and the licensing of verbal modifiers. As both classes of deverbal nominalizations are constructed uniformly with the nominalizing particle, these properties are derived syntactically from the size of the verbal constituent being nominalized.

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Section: Instrumental Readingsmentioning

confidence: 92%

Section: Instrumental Readingsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Instrumental Readingsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Deverbal nominalizations in Ktunaxa

Gatchalian¹

2020

ZWJW

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Distinguishing nouns and verbs

Hsieh

2018

Nat Lang Linguist Theory

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Oblique nominals, a verbal affix and late merge

Kim

2020

Linguistics

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The goal of this paper is to address the syntax of certain oblique nominals in Blackfoot (Algonquian) that are introduced by a set of verbal prefixes called linkers. In the literature, an oblique nominal introduced by a verbal affix always shows certain properties of objects, e.g., agreement. This type of affix is analyzed as forming a complex verb with the main verb via head movement, and the oblique nominal is treated as an object of the complex verb. However, this paper demonstrates that oblique nominals introduced by linkers in Blackfoot do not show certain object properties even though the linker looks like it forms a complex verb. Building on the lack of object properties, linker phrases are proposed to be adjuncts. As proposed for adjuncts generally (e.g., Stephanov, Arthur. 2001. Late adjunction and minimalist phrase structure. Syntax 4(2). 94–125), this paper proposes a late merge analysis for linker phrases. Within an Agree-based model (Chomsky, Noam. 2000. Minimalist inquiries: The framework. In Roger Martin, David Michaels & Juan Uriagereka (eds.), Step by step: Essays on minimalist syntax in honor of Howard Lasnik, 89–155. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 2001. Derivation by phase. In Michael Kenstowicz (ed.), Ken Hale: A life in language, 1–52. Cambridge: The MIT Press) where the derivation proceeds by phases (Chomsky 2008), a linker phrase, as an adjunct, lacks the relevant features to participate in the derivation via Agree, and thus it merges late at the end of a given phasal derivation such as vP. When spell out applies, the linker linearizes with a [V-v] complex in the base position, i.e., vP, giving its surface appearance as a verbal affix. Under this view, a linker does not lead to formation of a complex verb as it does not undergo head movement to the verb, unlike applicative affixes, consistent with the absence of object properties.

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Assigning reference in clausal nominalizations

Cited by 3 publications

References 16 publications

Deverbal nominalizations in Ktunaxa

Deverbal nominalizations in Ktunaxa

Distinguishing nouns and verbs

Oblique nominals, a verbal affix and late merge

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