Aspects of the evolution of relatives in Romance

Hirschbühler, Paul; Rivero, Marı́a Luisa

doi:10.1075/cilt.21.16hir

Cited by 4 publications

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“…If it is assumed that que may also be treated as a complementizer in the thirteenth century (Hirschbuhler & Rivero, 1982), the same conclusion applies under this analysis.…”

Section: -2mentioning

confidence: 68%

“…In restrictives with lexical antecedents the status of que as a relative pronoun or complementizer is complex during this period (Hirschbuhler & Rivero, 1982) but this will not affect the present discussion in general. Relative que is found in free relatives similar to those in (iog) (see the post-copular construction in (11 a)), in structures like (10), preceding another que (see 11 b), and in regular headed restrictives (see (nc)).…”

Section: S Dom 360 A-b (D') Por Qual Cueta Que Era Vinie Desaborgadomentioning

confidence: 99%

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Diachronic syntax and learnability: free relatives in thirteenth-century Spanish

Rivero

1984

J. Ling.

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Diachronic change emerges from the construction of grammars by successive generations of learners by exposure to primary data. Learners receive little information concerning what is ungrammatical in their language. To propose learnable systems, linguists should use positive data and not depend on negative information (the learnability criterion). Learnability is relevant to historical linguistics under the view that links diachronic change to grammar construction by the learner. This perspective is used to establish the system of two types of free relatives in thirteenth-century Spanish (quanto que vs. quanto-constructions), and the changes that led to the disappearance of the first type in later centuries.

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“…If it is assumed that que may also be treated as a complementizer in the thirteenth century (Hirschbuhler & Rivero, 1982), the same conclusion applies under this analysis.…”

Section: -2mentioning

confidence: 68%

Section: S Dom 360 A-b (D') Por Qual Cueta Que Era Vinie Desaborgadomentioning

confidence: 99%

Diachronic syntax and learnability: free relatives in thirteenth-century Spanish

Rivero

1984

J. Ling.

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“…La generalización de (3) se desprende con facilidad de la idea de que los pronombres remiten a un antecedente. En efecto, según la mayor parte de las propuestas sobre la configuración de las oraciones de relativo semilibres (Andrews, 1975;Bresnan, 1972;Bresnan & Grimshaw, 1978;Brucart, 1992Brucart, , 1999bBrucart, , 2016Caponigro, 2000;Citko, 2004;Groos & Van Riemsdijk, 1981;Grosu, 1994;Hirschbühler, 1976bHirschbühler, , 1976aHirschbühler, , 1978Hirschbühler & Rivero, 1981;Rivero, 1984;Valin & LaPolla, 1997;Van Riemsdijk, 2006), no parece legítimo que un pronombre remita, desde el interior de la construcción, al constituyente sintáctico que lo contiene; esta posibilidad está, según se sabe, vedada a las categorías pronominales. El pronombre reasuntivo, según trataré de demostrar, transmite las marcas de caso de la posición relativizada que, en condiciones al uso, se expresan en el grupo relativo introductor o, en ciertos casos, tanto en el grupo relativo como en el pronombre doblado.…”

Section: El Pronombre Reasuntivo En Estudios Previos: Repaso Y Balanceunclassified

El pronombre reasuntivo en español como mecanismo de concordancia

Agulló

2024

Círc. lingüíst. apl. comun.

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Las oraciones de relativo (semi)libres, que reciben la marca de caso de la posición sintáctica que ocupan, marcan también el pronombre relativo introductor según la posición del participante o variable de interpretación ligada. La sintaxis del español permite que tales oraciones sean concordantes (i. e. el caso del grupo relativo y el de la oración coinciden) o discordantes; posibilidad esta última que, sin embargo, está sujeta a no pocas restricciones. Este artículo sustenta con nuevos datos la hipótesis de que el pronombre reasuntivo puede hacer concordar dos marcas de caso discordantes y salvaguardar, con ello, la gramaticalidad o buena formación de la construcción. El análisis propuesto de este tipo de pronombre reasuntivo lo concibe como un pronombre degradado o decolorado en cierta medida, que no correfiere con ningún antecedente, sino que solo transmite una marca de caso preposicional. Asumir la degradación de estos pronombres permite prescindir de los análisis que reconocen la existencia de un antecedente implícito en estas estructuras.

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“…Navarro-Aragonese dialects are spoken today in only a few areas, and in many cases have been subject to Castilian influence, so it is hard to say whether a 'change' in question has really taken place, or whether there has been replacement of one dialect form by another. As an example, we can compare Hirschbiihler and Rivero's (1982) description of the diachronic replacement of qui by quiert in Spanish: this change has not occurred in some more conservative Aragonese dialects. Alonso (1925) suggests that in Castilian unstressed qui and que became phonetically identical (as [ke]); the etymologically stressed form quien took over some of the roles of f-I-human] qui.…”

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Diachronic syntax – free relatives in Romance

Posner

1985

J. Ling.

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Maria Luisa Rivero (1984) puts forward certain hypotheses about linguistic change, with illustrations from Spanish, and raises interesting issues. Here I shall concentrate on just a few. Making use of Henning Andersen's (1973) 'abduction' theory of grammatical change, Rivero develops ideas she has previously advanced (e.g. Hirschbiihler & Rivero, 1981, 1982,1983) about the contribution the concept of'core grammar' can make to diachronic linguistics. To put it simply, she postulates that the child learning his first language would require to have access to positive evidence to 'abduct' marked or auxiliary rules, but 'negative' evidence (i.e. absence of counterexamples) would be sufficient for the construction of unmarked ('core', 'universal') rules of grammar. Thus, if linguistic changes over time can be shown to affect only parameters of variation, and to move in the direction of core grammar, then support would be lent to the notion of core grammar, and the general theory in which it is embedded. Perhaps the first thing to establish in testing Rivero's hypothesis is precisely what changes have taken place over time: this is not always as easy as it seems because linguistic documentation for past periods is often unreliable, and comparable evidence-for such aspects as register and dialect-is not always available at widely different periods. Rivero discusses changes in the structure of' free' (headless, independent) relatives in Spanish between the 13th century and the 16th century. I shall return to discussion of her data 1 after a brief survey of problems that arise in the analysis of free relatives in Romance. I shall consider, for brevity's sake, only NP-relatives. Rivero's analysis suggests that in Modern Spanish, as in Catalan and French, free relatives are similar to NP-headed relatives (with the WH-relative in COMP), in contrast to a more traditional analysis which sees the WH-relative as substantival (the ' H E A D ' analysis). Whether there is WHmovement in free relatives (cf. Bresnan & Grimshaw, 1978) is not an issue [ 1 ] I have shamelessly picked the brains of my colleagues F. W. Hodcroft and I. D. L. Michael, who have borne patiently with my ignorance. I am assured by other experts that, between them, F. W. H. and I. D. L. M. come as near to native intuitions about Old Spanish as one is likely to get nowadays. Any mistakes that remain are of my own making.

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Aspects of the evolution of relatives in Romance

Cited by 4 publications

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Diachronic syntax and learnability: free relatives in thirteenth-century Spanish

Diachronic syntax and learnability: free relatives in thirteenth-century Spanish

El pronombre reasuntivo en español como mecanismo de concordancia

Diachronic syntax – free relatives in Romance

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