Aspect, Negation and Quantifiers

Csirmaz, Anikó

doi:10.1007/978-1-4020-4755-8_10

Cited by 6 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 1 publication

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“…In contrast, the stative in (4ii) does not necessarily advance the action; that is, being happy can co-occur with glancing at the car. As Kamp-Reyle (1993) and Csirmaz (2006; If negation did actually turn eventive predicates into stative predicates, we would not expect this advancement of the narration.…”

Section: Negation Does Not Affect Event Structure Properties Of Predimentioning

confidence: 91%

“…In contrast, statives do not require a habitual interpretation to be felicitous, as illustrated in (3b). As Csirmaz (2006; observes, when the eventive is negated, as in (3c), it is still only felicitous on a habitual interpretation, which is unexpected if negation stativizes. Consider another contrast between statives and eventives in the advancement of the action of the narration (Kamp-Reyle 1993): The eventive in (4i) advances the action: the picture is taken after glancing at the car.…”

Section: Negation Does Not Affect Event Structure Properties Of Predimentioning

confidence: 93%

“…It has been noted that, in addition to negation, only focus can also license the HighDur effect (see Csirmaz 2006;; that is, non-iterating predicates like 'arrive' become compatible with a high durative in the presence of only. Consider (17).…”

Section: Highdur Effect Goes Beyond Negation and For/untilmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…It may be argued that 'only' shares some properties with negation (see, e.g., Heycock 2005 for arguments based on effects similar to Neg-raising with only), which could suggest an account of (17) in terms of negation in this operator (cf. Csirmaz 2006). Interestingly, however, unmarked focus (18a), universal quantifiers (18b), and exactly numerals (18c)-none of which are negative in any usual sense-also give rise to the relevant scope configuration:…”

Section: Highdur Effect Goes Beyond Negation and For/untilmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Against stativizing negation, expletive negation and NPI-until

MacDonald¹,

Ürögdi

2011

Acta Linguistica Hungarica

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We present a novel account of phenomena that have been discussed under the labels stativizing negation, expletive negation and the licensing of NPI-(eventive-)until. We argue that these concepts are theoretically undesirable as well as descriptively inadequate because (a) negation does not affect event structure, (b) "eventive" until outscopes negation and can also occur without negation, so it cannot be treated as an NPI, and (c) the properties ascribed to negation and/or until are observed in a wide variety of contexts and should therefore receive a more general, non-lexical analysis. Our account derives the facts from the idea that until-and for-duratives are referential items that scope in the topic field and can receive a contrastive interpretation on analogy with regular topics. This gives us a handle on the socalled "actualization" observed with negated eventives in the scope of a durative, previously handled by lexical duplication of until and by stipulation of idiosyncratic lexical properties.

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Section: Negation Does Not Affect Event Structure Properties Of Predimentioning

confidence: 91%

Section: Negation Does Not Affect Event Structure Properties Of Predimentioning

confidence: 93%

Section: Highdur Effect Goes Beyond Negation and For/untilmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Highdur Effect Goes Beyond Negation and For/untilmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 2 more Smart Citations

Against stativizing negation, expletive negation and NPI-until

MacDonald¹,

Ürögdi

2011

Acta Linguistica Hungarica

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“…Some authors (de Swart 1996; de Swart and Molendijk 1999) embrace these fusions and even take them as support for the claim that "negation is a stativizer", that is, negation yields predicates of states. However, this claim is controversial (Condoravdi 2008;Csirmaz 2006;Giannakidou 2002). In the absence of a consensus on the status of negation-based fusions, it is worth revisiting the evidence that led to their introduction in the first place.…”

Section: Negationmentioning

confidence: 99%

The interaction of compositional semantics and event semantics

Champollion¹

2014

Linguist and Philos

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Davidsonian event semantics is often taken to form an unhappy marriage with compositional semantics. For example, it has been claimed to be problematic for semantic accounts of quantification (Beaver and Condoravdi, in: Aloni et al. (eds.) Proceedings of the 16th Amsterdam Colloquium, 2007), for classical accounts of negation (Krifka, in: Bartsch et al. (eds.) Semantics and contextual expression, 1989), and for intersective accounts of verbal coordination (Lasersohn, in Plurality, conjunction and events, 1995). This paper shows that none of this is the case, once we abandon the idea that the event variable is bound at sentence level, and assume instead that verbs denote existential quantifiers over events. Quantificational arguments can then be given a semantic account, negation can be treated classically, and coordination can be modeled as intersection. The framework presented here is a natural choice for researchers and fieldworkers who wish to sketch a semantic analysis of a language without being forced to make commitments about the hierarchical order of arguments, the argument-adjunct distinction, the default scope of quantifiers, or the nature of negation and coordination.

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The syntax of pronoun fronting in Late Archaic Chinese negated clauses

Aldridge

2021

J East Asian Linguist

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Aspect, Negation and Quantifiers

Cited by 6 publications

References 1 publication

Against stativizing negation, expletive negation and NPI-until

Against stativizing negation, expletive negation and NPI-until

The interaction of compositional semantics and event semantics

The syntax of pronoun fronting in Late Archaic Chinese negated clauses

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