“As planning is everything, it is good for something!” A Coasian economic taxonomy of modes of planning

Lai, Lwc

doi:10.1177/1473095214542632

Cited by 22 publications

(12 citation statements)

References 55 publications

(76 reference statements)

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“…process (Davidoff andReiner 1962, Faludi 1973) in the true sense. Such process can be methodologically, substantially and communicatively highly simplistic or complicated, piecemeal or comprehensive, local or regional, by edict or contract (Lai 2010(Lai , 2014, or succeed or fail in part of whole to attain normative or quantifiable goals.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“Where to draw the line?” That is a land use planning question for the land surveyor and the town planner

Lai¹

2015

Land Use Policy

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Inspired by the pioneering work of Bleakley and Ferrie (2014) informed by Libecap and Lueck (2011), this paper develops the thesis of Lai (1996, 1997) that spatial partition of land is a basic land use planning activity, whether by governments or private bodies, which involve decisions on boundary delineation. The primeval foundation of this activity is laying out private property boundaries, which is a metonymic land unitization exercise that defines "clearly defined property rights" in the Coase Theorem and has often been forgotten as a bona fide planning one. All major constitutional changes in nations commence with such a layout exercise, in which the land surveyor plays a principal role; and all land use planning innovations build upon and property development are constrained by this primeval foundation, which has huge transaction cost implications. A Colonial Hong Kong example, the Kowloon Walled City, is used to demonstrate the

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“Where to draw the line?” That is a land use planning question for the land surveyor and the town planner

Lai¹

2015

Land Use Policy

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“…The private sector cannot do this and should not do so in any instance; otherwise, it would become the state de facto . The so-called classical example of ‘non-zoning’ in Houston (Siegan, 1970) can be shown to be one of ‘private zoning’, like that for Milwaukee, which is (Beuscher, 1958) predicated on a state layout (Lai, 2016).…”

Section: Lot Boundaries There Always Are In Any Physical Planningmentioning

confidence: 99%

‘Surveying was a kind of writing on the land’: The economics of land division as town planning

Lai

Davies

2020

Planning Theory

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This article is about the economic role of the primaeval layouts (plats) for a new development area as a conscious act of physical planning. It explains that these foundational layouts of a town or country in the ‘new world’ were traditionally the work of a surveyor, the impacts of which have been lasting. Typically following a grid iron pattern, with roots in ancient history, the layout of the surveyor may not look attractive. Yet, it has stood the test of time and continued to condition modern development. It serves two significant economic functions. First, it reduces several types of transaction costs, namely, those of competition for land, valuation allocation, identification and subdivision of land as well as revising a layout. Second, it serves to achieve agglomeration, establish a proprietary and common setting and provide vital information as different forms of public good.

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“…The first strand identifies various transaction costs involved in urban planning and compares relative efficiencies of different modes of planning. For instance, Lai (2016) distinguished planning by edict and planning by contract. State planning can also be justified in many circumstances, for example, in constructing lighthouses and providing public buses (Alexander, 2014; Lai and Lorne, 2015).…”

Section: Urban Planning From the Institutional Perspectivementioning

confidence: 99%

Work unit and private community in the evolution of urban planning in contemporary China

Deng

2017

Planning Theory

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Built on theories about the hold-up problem in New Institutional Economics, this article analyzes the evolution of urban planning in contemporary China from an institutional perspective. In particular, it focuses on two phenomena: work unit in the planned economy and the large-scale growth of private communities in the market economy. I argue that the hold-up problem in urban land use still exists in a planned economy and asks for the integration of de facto property owner and local public goods provider. Land use control was thus mostly conducted by the work unit. Urban planning in contemporary China has always been planning for government rather than for the public. This leads to great uncertainty in land use and, consequently, the hold-up problem. Widespread emergence of private communities in the Chinese city is the response of the market to the hold-up problem that arises from the nature of Chinese governmental planning.

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“As planning is everything, it is good for something!” A Coasian economic taxonomy of modes of planning

Cited by 22 publications

References 55 publications

“Where to draw the line?” That is a land use planning question for the land surveyor and the town planner

“Where to draw the line?” That is a land use planning question for the land surveyor and the town planner

‘Surveying was a kind of writing on the land’: The economics of land division as town planning

Work unit and private community in the evolution of urban planning in contemporary China

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