Ars and the Man: The Politics of Art in Virgil's Aeneid

Bartsch, Shadi

doi:10.1086/449404

Cited by 43 publications

(7 citation statements)

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“…It has stimulated much scholarly discussion about its meaning and sources of inspiration: philosophical, literary, cultural and visual.6 For instance, Norden saw the Heldenschau as an imitation of Homer's teichoscopia , the catalogue of Achaean heroes.7 In 1965, Skard argued that Vergil modeled the Heldenschau on aristocratic funeral processions (based on eschatological elements in Aeneid 6 and a reference to the funeral of Marcellus at 6.860-885).8 Some scholars have elaborated on Skard's thesis, arguing that the Heldenschau reflects the Roman practice of having actors represent noble ancestors at aristocratic funerals by wearing their imagines (ancestor masks) and magisterial robes;9 others have noted that Anchises' praise of certain heroes evokes eulogies extolling ancestral achievements delivered at Roman funeral assemblies.10 Meanwhile, visual and thematic elements that do not fit the funereal model are often passed over; reinterpreted as a clever inversion of the aristocratic funeral;11 or used as evidence for otherwise unattested developments in aristocratic funerary practice in the later Republic.12 Meanwhile, others have focused on the visual sources from which Vergil drew inspiration for his heroes' descriptions, such as works of art on public display and numismatic designs.13 6 On aspects of the Heldenschau see: Delaruelle 1913;Hurlbut 1920;Camps 1959;Williams 1964;Otis 1964 297-312;Skard 1965;Highet 1972, passim;Harrison 1978;Burke 1979;Austin 1986, esp. 202-278;Bacon 1986;Brenk 1986;Feeney 1986;Novara 1987;Grebe 1989;Habinek 1989;Hardie 1990;Bettini 1991;Goold 1992;Braund 1997;Flower 1997 109-114;Zetzel 1997;Bartsch 1998;Glei 1998;Lefèvre 1998;Leach 1999 125-129;Ahl 2007 372-382;Geiger 2008, esp. 50-51;O'Sullivan 2011 74-76;Molyviati 2011;Kondratieff 2012;…”

Section: Part I: Rome In the Underworldmentioning

confidence: 99%

Future City in the Heroic Past: Rome, Romans, and Roman Landscapes in Aeneid 6–8

Kondratieff¹

2015

Urban Dreams and Realities in Antiquity

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Arma virumque canō? "Arms and the Man I sing …"1 So Vergil begins his epic tale of Aeneas, who overcomes tremendous obstacles to find and establish a new home for his wandering band of Trojan refugees. Were it metrically possible, Vergil could have begun with "Cities and the Man I sing," for Aeneas' quest for a new home involves encounters with cities of all types: ancient and new, great and small, real and unreal. These include Dido's Carthaginian boomtown (1.419-494), Helenus' humble neo-Troy (3.349-353) and Latinus' lofty citadel (7.149-192).2 Of course, central to his quest is the destiny of Rome, whose future greatness-empire without limit (1.277-278)-Jupiter prophesies to Venus as recompense for the destruction of her beloved Troy, but whose foundation ultimately depends on Aeneas' success at establishing a foothold in Italy (1.257-296). Although Rome's (notional/traditional) foundation will occur several centuries after Aeneas's final victory, Vergil has his hero interact with the future city in several ways, including two well-known passages. In the first (8.95-369) he tours Evander's Pallanteum, the physical site of future Rome, taking delight in his surroundings and learning local lore (8.310-312, 359), yet he fails to perceive that this

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Section: Part I: Rome In the Underworldmentioning

confidence: 99%

Future City in the Heroic Past: Rome, Romans, and Roman Landscapes in Aeneid 6–8

Kondratieff¹

2015

Urban Dreams and Realities in Antiquity

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“…For an important ideological reading of the effect of the Tiber/Araxes pairing, see Putnam 1998: 157-58. 13. On the history of this usage in Latin, see Scheid and Svenbro 1996: 131-55, and in relation to this passage Bartsch 1998: 327-28, also Boyd 1995 14. See Putnam 1998: 155. a man about to go to war.…”

Section: 445-46mentioning

confidence: 99%

Viewing Myth and History on the Shield of Aeneas

Feldherr

2014

Classical Antiquity

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This article analyzes the representational strategies Vergil uses in the description of the shield of Aeneas to shape the reception of his text. Three aspects of the ekphrasis highlight its ambiguous status as a literary representation figuring itself as a material presence that can become part of history as well as depicting it. First, descriptions of rivers frame narrative units within book 8 as though the text were a visual image, while failing to perform such a function in the case of the shield itself. Rivers also symbolize both the linear progression of the narrative and its static visual surface. Second, the presence of multiple levels of internal spectators simultaneously reminds Vergil's audience of the differences between poem and image and image and reality and provides focalizing perspectives from which each represented image can be perceived as real. Finally, intertextual references to defining features of historiography as a literary genre provide a model for how literary accounts of the past can influence events. But the comparison with historiography also draws attention to what Vergil does differently, particularly his direct representation of divine action and his refashioning of history's linear order into a circular, spatial image that can be viewed synchronically.

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“…38.The Aeneid frequently thematises the act of interpreting a text, especially in embedded narrative or ecphrasis (cf., e.g., Fowler [1991]; Barchiesi [1997]; Bartsch [1998]; Harrison [2001]): Aeneas, for example, experiences the pictures in Juno's temple ex ordine ( Aen. 1.456), though they do not correspond to Iliadic chronology.…”

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confidence: 99%

(MIS)READING THE GNAT: TRUTH AND DECEPTION IN THE PSEUDO-VIRGILIANCVLEX

Kearey¹

2018

Ramus

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TheCulex—the earliest and best attested of the purported minor works of Virgil, and the most outright in gesturing towards Virgilian authorship—poses a problem for modern classical scholarship. Since at least the seventeenth century scholars have been preoccupied with the poem's authenticity. Is it a piece of early Virgilianiuuenilia, as the ancient testimonies and mediaeval transmission of the text seem to assert, or a later production? If a later production, should we see it as a deliberate forgery, or as a poem severed in the course of transmission from its original author and helplessly swept up in Virgil's train? The authenticity problem has proven persistent: as recently as the 1970s, scholars tried to claim theCulexfor Virgil. Even among those who think it non-Virgilian, the apparent consensus of anonymous late-Tiberian authorship has been contested by Otto Zwierlein's suggestion of M. Julius Montanus and Jean-Yves Maleuvre's, even more unlikely, of Augustus.

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Ars and the Man: The Politics of Art in Virgil's Aeneid

Cited by 43 publications

References 33 publications

Future City in the Heroic Past: Rome, Romans, and Roman Landscapes in Aeneid 6–8

Future City in the Heroic Past: Rome, Romans, and Roman Landscapes in Aeneid 6–8

Viewing Myth and History on the Shield of Aeneas

(MIS)READING THE GNAT: TRUTH AND DECEPTION IN THE PSEUDO-VIRGILIANCVLEX

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