Are There Any Big Classes at All?

Weeden, Kim A.; Grusky, David B.

doi:10.1016/s0276-5624(04)22001-7

Cited by 22 publications

(15 citation statements)

References 31 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Unclassified

Order By: Relevance

“…It may be that significant and interpretable relationships can be established between the subgroups and outcomes. Further research would seem to be prudent, particularly if we are to respond to Weeden and Grusky's desire to look for class models which fall between conventional class models and detailed occupational schemata (2005).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

How far merit selection? Social stratification and the labour market¹

Jackson

2007

British Journal of Sociology

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

The question of how societies allocate occupational positions and subsequent rewards has long been of interest to sociologists. According to one influential theory, the needs of modern industrial societies and economies demand that high-level and functionally important occupational positions are allocated according to meritocratic principles. I argue that, ultimately, employers get the final say about which characteristics are rewarded in the labour market. In order to examine which skills and attributes are required by employers for particular occupations I analyse data drawn from a content analysis of c.5000 British newspaper job advertisements. The results show that both merit and non-merit characteristics are requested by employers in job advertisements, even for occupations falling within the higher classes. I also find evidence that employers have similar requirements for similar occupations, cross-cutting class boundaries.

show abstract

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

How far merit selection? Social stratification and the labour market¹

Jackson

2007

British Journal of Sociology

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…The remaining 10 FH categories are employed professionals, employed managers, sales workers, clerical workers, craft workers, operatives, service workers, laborers, farmers, and farm laborers. In the following graphs and tables, we feature the FH scheme because our prior research suggests that it better captures the heterogeneity in many variables, including income (Weeden & Grusky, 2005a, 2005b, 2006. We have, however, replicated all of our analyses with the EG scheme and secured very similar results.…”

Section: Occupation and Class Schemesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Social Class and Earnings Inequality

Weeden

Kim

Carlo

et al. 2007

American Behavioral Scientist

Self Cite

116

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

The authors examine whether growth in earnings inequality has played out in ways that are class strengthening or class weakening. Using the Current Population Survey, they show that the absolute amount of inequality is increasing (a) between big classes, (b) between the occupations constituting big classes, and (c) within occupations. In relative terms, the share of total inequality occurring within occupations has declined, whereas the share of total inequality occurring between classes and between the occupations constituting big classes has tended to increase, most clearly for men. Although the majority of earnings inequality is still generated within occupations, especially rapid growth of the between-class and between-occupation components implies that the well-known takeoff in inequality has generated a “lumpier” earnings distribution with relatively stronger class and occupational distinctions.

show abstract

“…Numerous quantitative studies of Americans have examined the relationship between individuals' objective class positions and their subjective class identities (Centers 1949;Hodge and Treiman 1968;Jackman andJackman 1973, 1983;Heaton 1987;Vanneman and Cannon 1987;Davis and Robinson 1988;Simpson et al 1988;Zipp and Plutzer 1996;Wright 1997;Yamaguchi and Wang 2002;Weeden and Grusky 2004;Hout 2008). Objective class positions have typically been represented by measures of education, occupation, and income, operationalized in various ways.…”

Section: Class Position and Class Identificationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Race, Wealth, and Class Identification in 21st-Century American Society

Speer¹

2016

The Sociological Quarterly

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

This study examines the determinants of Americans’ subjective class identities, using General Social Survey data from 2006. In particular, this study addresses the question of whether individuals’ objective class positions, including wealth, account for differences in class identification between whites and blacks. The principal finding is that self‐identified blacks have lower odds of identifying as middle class or upper class than self‐identified whites, net of their objective class positions and their class origins. This finding suggests that the class identities of blacks are shaped by experiences of racial discrimination or by other elements of racial inequality.

show abstract

Are There Any Big Classes at All?

Cited by 22 publications

References 31 publications

How far merit selection? Social stratification and the labour market¹

How far merit selection? Social stratification and the labour market¹

Social Class and Earnings Inequality

Race, Wealth, and Class Identification in 21st-Century American Society

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About

Are There Any Big Classes at All?

Cited by 22 publications

References 31 publications

How far merit selection? Social stratification and the labour market1

How far merit selection? Social stratification and the labour market1

Social Class and Earnings Inequality

Race, Wealth, and Class Identification in 21st-Century American Society

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About

How far merit selection? Social stratification and the labour market¹

How far merit selection? Social stratification and the labour market¹