Abstract:The anti-austerity movement that emerged in the wake of the 2008 global economic crisis and 2010 Eurozone crisis, and which forms part of the 'age of austerity' that came after those crises, was and remains in many ways contradictory. Many of the goals of the movement are grounded in concrete material concerns related to inequality, precarity, poverty, welfare conditionality and retrenchment, and the failure, inability or unwillingness of the labour market or the welfare state to provide for the well-being of … Show more
“…Such accounts of prefigurative politics tend to position prefiguration as the defining feature of a particular autonomist approach to political life. However, other accounts have sought to demonstrate that social movements can use prefigurative community experimentation without this particular ideological approach (Wright, 2010; Ribera‐Almandoz et al ., 2020). Rather than seeing prefiguration as a ‘way of being’ to the exclusion of other political strategies, prefigurative action may also be viewed as a strategy that can be combined with others.…”
Section: Prefigurative Politics Strategy and Forms Of People Powermentioning
confidence: 99%
“… Prefigurative power occurs when social movements or alliances engage in community experiments that model their political goal in the practice of their work. This could include a housing organization establishing its own community housing project, an electricity workforce forming an energy cooperative or a democracy movement creating a sustained experiment in ‘real democracy’ (Wright, 2010; Ribera‐Almandoz et al., 2020). Prefigurative power seeks not to tackle the powerful head‐on but rather to demonstrate by example that another way is possible.…”
Section: Prefigurative Politics Strategy and Forms Of People Powermentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Yet there is a distinct, more strategic approach to prefiguration that is also recognized in the literature and is evident in the work of RTC (Cooper, 2017; Ribera‐Almandoz et al ., 2020; Cohen and Morgan, 2023; Thorpe, 2023; Thorpe and Morgan, 2023). These arguments about prefiguration, often sourced in geography and law rather than social movement theory, suggest that a holistic and consciously autonomist ideological approach is not the only way that prefiguration can be understood and used by movements to generate change.…”
This article contributes to ongoing discussions about the practice of prefigurative politics by urban social movements, and the relationship between prefiguration and other political practices. We argue that urban social movements can deploy prefigurative power in combination with other political strategies with which it is often contrasted and opposed. To demonstrate, we explore Cape Town's Reclaim the City movement that occupied several inner‐city buildings to create affordable housing for low‐wage Black communities—prefiguring the kind of affordable housing that they were demanding. They developed this strategy iteratively after having tried to play by the rules through litigation and mobilize through protest. When those approaches failed to shift decision makers, they tried to prefigure their goal for housing through occupation. Prefiguration offered distinctive strategic advantages: it helped demonstrate that affordable housing was possible and provided direct relief for people facing housing stress. These advantages not only engaged new participants but contributed to new affordable housing commitments from the City of Cape Town and the courts. We show how movement participants understood their prefigurative occupation as part of a constellation of people power strategies and suggest that this points towards the potential for prefiguration to be deployed pragmatically as well as ideologically by urban social movements.
“…Such accounts of prefigurative politics tend to position prefiguration as the defining feature of a particular autonomist approach to political life. However, other accounts have sought to demonstrate that social movements can use prefigurative community experimentation without this particular ideological approach (Wright, 2010; Ribera‐Almandoz et al ., 2020). Rather than seeing prefiguration as a ‘way of being’ to the exclusion of other political strategies, prefigurative action may also be viewed as a strategy that can be combined with others.…”
Section: Prefigurative Politics Strategy and Forms Of People Powermentioning
confidence: 99%
“… Prefigurative power occurs when social movements or alliances engage in community experiments that model their political goal in the practice of their work. This could include a housing organization establishing its own community housing project, an electricity workforce forming an energy cooperative or a democracy movement creating a sustained experiment in ‘real democracy’ (Wright, 2010; Ribera‐Almandoz et al., 2020). Prefigurative power seeks not to tackle the powerful head‐on but rather to demonstrate by example that another way is possible.…”
Section: Prefigurative Politics Strategy and Forms Of People Powermentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Yet there is a distinct, more strategic approach to prefiguration that is also recognized in the literature and is evident in the work of RTC (Cooper, 2017; Ribera‐Almandoz et al ., 2020; Cohen and Morgan, 2023; Thorpe, 2023; Thorpe and Morgan, 2023). These arguments about prefiguration, often sourced in geography and law rather than social movement theory, suggest that a holistic and consciously autonomist ideological approach is not the only way that prefiguration can be understood and used by movements to generate change.…”
This article contributes to ongoing discussions about the practice of prefigurative politics by urban social movements, and the relationship between prefiguration and other political practices. We argue that urban social movements can deploy prefigurative power in combination with other political strategies with which it is often contrasted and opposed. To demonstrate, we explore Cape Town's Reclaim the City movement that occupied several inner‐city buildings to create affordable housing for low‐wage Black communities—prefiguring the kind of affordable housing that they were demanding. They developed this strategy iteratively after having tried to play by the rules through litigation and mobilize through protest. When those approaches failed to shift decision makers, they tried to prefigure their goal for housing through occupation. Prefiguration offered distinctive strategic advantages: it helped demonstrate that affordable housing was possible and provided direct relief for people facing housing stress. These advantages not only engaged new participants but contributed to new affordable housing commitments from the City of Cape Town and the courts. We show how movement participants understood their prefigurative occupation as part of a constellation of people power strategies and suggest that this points towards the potential for prefiguration to be deployed pragmatically as well as ideologically by urban social movements.
“…The year 2011 saw an outpouring of global unrest, which many viewed as a reaction to the global economic crisis of 2008 and the related onset of austerity politics, and which was subsequently followed throughout the 2010s by a sustained period of popular protest (Cammaerts 2018; Della Porta & Portos 2020; Giugni & Grasso 2020; Kriesi et al 2020; Mateos & Erro 2021; Worth 2013). The general trends that comprised this new terrain of social conflict have become relatively well known, including a tendency for protests to be staged in public spaces and to be informed by a commitment to direct action and prefigurativism, as well as witnessing the emergence of grassroots-level campaigns that are facilitated by social media and which exist both outside of formal institutions, such as trade unions and left-wing political parties, and sometimes challenges those institutions from within (Della Porta 2017; Ribera-Almandoz et al 2020).…”
Section: Neoliberalism the Decline Of Working-class Struggle And The ...mentioning
This article explores the terrain of social conflict as it developed across advanced capitalist democracies throughout the ‘age of austerity’ that followed the global economic crisis. It shows how a (broadly defined) working class mobilised in different ways in different capitalist contexts, contesting the institutional forms (and the crises that emerged from them) which constitute each particular model of capitalism. Considered this way, we are able to conceptualise and explain the forms of working-class mobilisation that have emerged in opposition to contemporary neoliberalism. In doing so, we go beyond a narrow focus on workplace-focused or trade-union-led forms of working-class mobilisation, highlighting the continuing contestation of neoliberal capitalism. Drawing on a protest event analysis of 1,167 protest events in five countries (Spain, Germany, Japan, the United States and the United Kingdom), and developing a Régulation Theory approach to the study of protest/social movements, we provide an overview of the most visible patterns of social contestation in each national neoliberal capitalist context, tracing links to the institutional configurations that constitute those national models of capitalism. While there exists no direct (linear) process of causality between the model of neoliberal capitalism and the forms of mobilised dissent witnessed, nevertheless we are able to clearly trace the different pressures of capital accumulation that have given rise to the protest/social movements identified in each case, thereby allowing us to gain a better insight into both each particular model of capitalism and the forms of dissent that constitute it.
“…Likewise, the innumerable mutual aid groups that have sprung up during the Covid-19 pandemic (Solnit, 2020 ), as they did in response to other natural disasters, do so because states fail. Anarchists also shape mainstream union strategy through ‘dual carding’, where anarchists take prominent, but non-factional organising roles in mainstream unions (Ribera-Almandoz et al, 2020 ), building class consciousness from the ground up, as opposed to leading from a vanguard (though these lines can sometimes be blurred).…”
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