Anger and protest: referenda and opposition to the EU in Greece and the United Kingdom

Fanoulis, Evangelos; Guerra, Simona

doi:10.1080/09557571.2018.1431766

Cited by 13 publications

(9 citation statements)

References 32 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…Such a bottom-up perspective of social media politicization does not deny that division can also be steered by powerful interests. Social media campaigning sites are, however, also used for exchanging knowledge on a plurality of issues as well as for expressing opinion and emotions (see e.g., Fanoulis & Guerra, 2017). Through new information feeds and through emotions, the public sphere is kept in a state of alert, even if formal political action discontinues.…”

Section: Social Media As a Site Of Politicizationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Brexit as ‘politics of division’: social media campaigning after the referendum

Brändle

Galpin

Trenz

2021

Social Movement Studies

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

The UK's referendum on EU membership that resulted in a narrow minority in favour of leave was followed by a leadership vacuum and intense debate about the implementation of the result. The politicization over Brexit resulted in the development of 'Brexit identities' of Remainers and Leavers that superseded party identities. We argue that in order to understand how this politicization took place despite a leadership vacuum we firstly need to look beyond the arena of formal party politics to more informal arenas of political contestation on social media, especially Facebook, and secondly understand the linkages between EU and national level politicization that polarised the country around new British-specific identities. Through this, we analyse the 'politics of division' not simply as a form of contentious politics driven by political parties, but as a social conflict driven by non-institutionalised groups, grassroots campaigns and ordinary citizens. We find evidence of significant mobilisation that extends beyond the realm of party politics but argue that this mobilisation cannot necessarily be considered entirely 'grassroots'. Rather, it is driven not just by citizens but also shaped by mainstream and alternative media platforms. The debates cannot, however, be considered purely a form of EU politicization, rather, analysis of Facebook comments shows that politicization over Brexit through these campaigns is primarily contestation over the nature and legitimacy of British democracy. Because of this, we argue that social media is an essential site for the study of EU politicization and political campaigns in general.

show abstract

Section: Social Media As a Site Of Politicizationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Brexit as ‘politics of division’: social media campaigning after the referendum

Brändle

Galpin

Trenz

2021

Social Movement Studies

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…Fuelled by a deepening sense of economic decay, immigration scepticism and political indignation, voters have used EU referendums as opportunities to voice not only their critical views on the European project, but also their discontent with social, economic and cultural transformations. Accordingly, the recent No-votes in different EU member states became a symptom of public discontent, expressed by voters who experience uncertainty and anxiety, mixed with frustration and disgust (Fanoulis and Guerra 2017;Goodwin and Milazzo 2015;O'Rourke 2019). Some scholars argue that Eurosceptic populists have exploited the resentment of the so-called left behinds, i.e.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…However, whereas the Eurosceptic vote of the left behinds is often assumed and is increasingly becoming the subject of research, the empirical link between social resentment and Euroscepticism has received surprisingly little attention to date. Most studies treat resentment as an affective catch-all concept, covering a wide range of sentiments (Capelos and Demertzis 2018;Capelos and Katsanidou 2018;Fanoulis and Guerra 2017). Although the implications of resentment for Euroscepticism may be highly dependent on its specific constitutive components, scientific knowledge regarding the role of social resentment and its specific translation into Euroscepticismthrough different blame attribution mechanismsis seriously constrained by this lack of clarity regarding conceptualization and measurement.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Social resentment, blame attribution and Euroscepticism: the role of status insecurity, relative deprivation and powerlessness

Abts

Baute

2021

Innovation: The European Journal of Social Science Research

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

“…In general, the negative ones show the main tropes and logics already seen in previous research (Daddow 2006(Daddow , 2011Fanoulis and Guerra 2017). While analysis on attitudes tend to focus on generalizable explanations, listening to people's voices enables us to understand how a few logics are embedded in their perception of the EU.…”

Section: N519: (I) Us Paying Vast Amounts Of Money To the Eu; (Ii) Eu Demanding More Money Because Of The Blackmarket Economy; (Iii) Franmentioning

confidence: 79%

“…Emotion is qualified intensity, the conventional, consensual point of insertion of intensity into semantically and semiotically formed progressions, into narrativizable action-reaction circuits, into function and meaning. (Fanoulis and Guerra 2017) It appears that both campaigns had an influence in increasing citizens' apprehension and uncertainties, across different age cohort. Still, while women and young people tend to be more anxious or uncertain, men are likely to feel angry and disappointed; among their open answers (Guerrina et al 2016) the possible challenges towards the future and the lack of stable expectations and probable economic instability are likely to have played a role on voters.…”

Section: How Brexit Changes Public Euroscepticismmentioning

confidence: 98%

Understanding public Euroscepticism

Guerra

2021

QOE-IJES

Self Cite

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Euroscepticism has become more and more embedded both at the EU and national levels (Usherwood et al. 2013) and persistent across domestic debates (Usherwood and Startin 2013). This study presents an in-depth analysis of contemporary narratives of Euroscepticism. It first introduces its question related to understanding public Euroscepticism, following the British EU referendum campaign and outcome, to then present the established literature, and the analysis of the British case study. A survey run in Britain in May 2019 shows that, as already noted by Oliver Daddow (2006, 2011), Euroscepticism is very much identifiable in the traditional narratives of Europe as the Other. Context accountability (Daddow 2006) is still cause for concern in Britain and by assuming a more positive view of a European Britain (Daddow 2006) does not make the debate more informed. Images, narratives and specific issues to reform the Eurosceptic toolbox into a more neutral, but informative, instrument could be applied at the grassroots level, as the post-referendum demonstrations and manifestations have shown. British citizens are reclaiming their own European citizenship, and deconstructing existing Euromyths can be a first small step forward.

show abstract

Anger and protest: referenda and opposition to the EU in Greece and the United Kingdom

Cited by 13 publications

References 32 publications

Brexit as ‘politics of division’: social media campaigning after the referendum

Brexit as ‘politics of division’: social media campaigning after the referendum

Social resentment, blame attribution and Euroscepticism: the role of status insecurity, relative deprivation and powerlessness

Understanding public Euroscepticism

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About