Anaphors and logophors: an argument structure perspective

Reinhart, Tanya; Reuland, Eric

doi:10.1017/cbo9780511627835.015

Cited by 154 publications

(100 citation statements)

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“…In English, on the other hand, picture-noun contexts have been shown not to require syntactic binding and are consequently not considered to be a reliable diagnostic for syntactic binding (e.g. Reinhart and Reuland 1991;Pollard and Sag 1992;Reinhart and Reuland 1993;Heycock 1995;Bhatt 2002). 16,17 While it is quite clear, thus, that Swedish is different 16 Unbound reflexives are not much discussed in the literature on Swedish, presumably because they are not considered to be possible (see Engdahl 1986:107 andHeinat 2006:130-131, where the issue is briefly mentioned).…”

Section: Reflexive Bindingmentioning

confidence: 99%

Agreement and reconstruction correlate in Swedish

Klingvall

2018

Nat Lang Linguist Theory

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This paper presents two novel findings: I show (i) that there is a strong connection between φ-feature agreement and scope freezing in Swedish, and (ii) that Swedish tough-constructions (TCs) involve movement of the embedded object into the matrix subject position. Scope freezing is shown to take place in adjectival TCs, morphological passives and adjectival raising structures in Swedish, but not in verbal TCs, periphrastic passives or verbal raising constructions. The difference in scope possibilities in adjectival and verbal contexts is captured by analyzing movement induced by φ-feature agreement (adjectival cases) as taking place in the syntax, and purely EPP-driven movement (verbal cases) as taking place post-syntactically. Following Sauerland and Elbourne (2002), it is assumed that reconstructed readings do not involve any undoing operation but reflect the position of an element prior to postsyntactic movement. Regarding TCs, I further show that adjectival and verbal TCs in Swedish are uniformly derived via long A -A-movement of the underlying object into the matrix subject position. Since infinitival clauses in Swedish have been shown to have a smaller structure than a full CP (Engdahl 1986), movement of the object does not violate the Williams Cycle (Williams 2003) and is therefore not an instance of Improper Movement. Swedish TCs thereby share properties both with English TCs (A -properties) and with German TCs (long movement), placing the Swedish ones in between.

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Section: Reflexive Bindingmentioning

confidence: 99%

Agreement and reconstruction correlate in Swedish

Klingvall

2018

Nat Lang Linguist Theory

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“…The answer is, as far as I can see, in the negative. In this book, Reuland adopts Reinhart and Reuland's (1991) proposal that "the syntactic mechanism for reflexive-marking involves movement of SELF adjoining it to the nearest c-commanding predicate head" (p. 216), and the adjunction configuration created by SELF adjoining to a predicate V is interpreted as "the intersection of the SELF relation and the V relation, which is by necessity reflexive" (p. 217). In Section 6.5.3.3.3, Reuland tries to derive a part of the definition of syntactic predicate.…”

Section: Syntactic Predicatementioning

confidence: 99%

Can a Modular Approach to Binding Be Successful?

Abe

2012

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“…(10) is that a pronoun may not be coreferential with another argument of the same verb (the function of ret1exives is to circumvent this, for example in the man nel' proposed by Reinhart & Reuland (1991)). …”

Section: (8) Consequence Of the Pronoun M Ovemenj Hypothesismentioning

confidence: 99%

On D-pronouns and the Movement of Topic Features

Hoekstra¹

1999

Folia Linguistica

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1This ex.plorative article deals with the distribution of topic pronouns in Dutch. It is argued that the behaviour of such pronouns is not predicted by theories incorporating the generalisation that a pronoun is free in the clause in which it oc-CUTS. The topic pronoun must instead be free in the matrix sentence. We derive these facts from the assumption that the topic pronoun is moved to the beginning of the matrix sentence in LF. We then go on to characterise the set of positions in which antecedents for topic pronouns are found. These positions, it is suggested, function as escape hatches for topic features, in which they can access the larger structure in which sentences are integrated. Where topic pronouns differ from ordinary pronouns BasicsA typical marker of spoken language in Dutch and Dutch dialects is the topic pronoun dat or die 'that'. This pronoun tends to be absent in written language whereas it is abundantly present in spoken language. Consider for example the following sentences (where a topic pronoun is glossed as "TP"):(1) a. De minister wist er van the minister knew it about "The minister knew about it." b. De minister die wist er van the minister TP knew it about "The minister knew about it."These two sentences differ minimally in that the subject de minister is doubled by the topic pronoun die in the (b )-sentence but not in the (a)-sentence. The

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Anaphors and logophors: an argument structure perspective

Cited by 154 publications

References 0 publications

Agreement and reconstruction correlate in Swedish

Agreement and reconstruction correlate in Swedish

Can a Modular Approach to Binding Be Successful?

On D-pronouns and the Movement of Topic Features

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