Analysis of the media discourse on the 2022 war in Ukraine: The case of Russia

Udum, Şebnem; Maksymenko, Iryna

doi:10.1111/rsp3.12579

Cited by 9 publications

(3 citation statements)

References 16 publications

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“…In a very short time Poland has become a close to a bi‐national country. Despite Russia's massive use of a narrative justifying aggression against Ukraine (Brusylovska & Maksymenko, 2022), Poles did not succumb to it and overwhelmingly voted in favour of giving as much support as possible to Ukraine and Ukrainians. Certainly, the formation of strong ties, on the one hand as a result of the support given by Poles to Ukrainians and on the other having a common enemy, is undoubtedly beneficial and prevents many social conflicts, but, as in the case of the labour market, this situation cannot be considered permanent.…”

Section: Discussion and Challenges For The Futurementioning

confidence: 99%

War refugees from Ukraine in Poland – one year after the Russian aggression. Socioeconomic consequences and challenges

Duszczyk

Górny

Kaczmarczyk

et al. 2023

Regional Science Policy & Practice

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Russia's aggression against Ukraine, which started on 24 February 2022, marked the beginning of the second stage of the war between the two countries. As a result, more than 8 million war refugees from Ukraine crossed the borders of Poland. At the end of December 2022, more than 1 million of them still remained in Poland. This paper analyses the situation of Ukrainian war refugees residing in Poland and the challenges involved. In particular, it focuses on the labour market, area on which the success of the integration process of foreigners into the host society largely depends. The authors refer to a set of available register data (border crossings, ID registration system, labour market participation and participation in the schooling system), as well as information obtained by large‐scale surveys targeting the Ukrainian population in Poland in wartime. On this basis, we formulate key conclusions and recommendations, both for the Polish authorities and for the EU institutions.

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Section: Discussion and Challenges For The Futurementioning

confidence: 99%

War refugees from Ukraine in Poland – one year after the Russian aggression. Socioeconomic consequences and challenges

Duszczyk

Górny

Kaczmarczyk

et al. 2023

Regional Science Policy & Practice

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show abstract

“…In speeches, ritual addresses, and press conferences Vladimir Putin declares Russia's sovereign necessity to wage the campaign against Ukraine and the world and insinuates that whatever violence necessary to achieve Russia's (just) aims will be applied. The television hosts and guests amplify everything Putin says yet articulate violent threats more openly; all of these utterances appear coordinated and complementary (Agalakova 2022; Brusylovska and Maksymenko 2022;Kucher 2022). From the outset of the 2022 invasion, the leading Russian television propagandists competed to communicate the intention that Ukrainians experience every form of injury, dislocation, impoverishment, hopelessness, insecurity, and terror.…”

Section: Exhortation To Exterminatementioning

confidence: 99%

Cruel Speech:

Ries

2023

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This paper interrogates the official purveyance of exterminist rhetoric in Russia’s war on Ukraine, with a particular focus on state media discourse. Over decades, the Putin regime has constructed an overarching system of intertwined narratives about Ukraine, centred on historical and geopolitical fables and exhortations to violence, and conveyed via repetitive tropes and tones of speech. These are ritualistic semi-scripted televised discussions (“agitainment”) featuring state officials, hack journalists, and prowar scholars. This elaborate discursive spectacle models a sadistic affect and seems designed to crush empathy towards Ukrainian civilians and among Russia’s own citizens. Anthropological and critical discursive approaches to the circulation of utterance suggest avenues for analysing the impacts, obvious and subtle, of these rhetorical and aesthetic devices in the context of terror directed both internationally and domestically.

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“…There are several reasons for this: the survey conducted on the production of films by the "Orthodox Encyclopaedia" film company shows that the last film produced was in 2018; furthermore, the topic deserves a separate treatment focussing more on the so-called "information war" which is related to the topic of this research but is certainly beyond the scope of this paper, which aims instead to analyse the relationship between the media and the Russian Orthodox Church in the post-Soviet period by focusing in particular on the effect of religion on the institutional system, the regulatory environment of the media and the public sphere". To know more about this topic, read, among others: (Brusylovska and Maksymenko 2023;Chen and Ferrara 2023;Horbyk 2022;Kilp 2022;Kostruba and Fishchuk 2023;Makhortykh and Bastian 2022;Nosova 2023;Pavlik 2022;Zasiekin et al 2022;Selvarajah and Fiorito 2023).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Promotion of Traditional Values through Films and Television Programmes: The Moscow Patriarchate and the Orthodox Encyclopaedia Project (2005–2022)

Napolitano

2024

Religions

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On 26 May 2011, the Russian People’s World Council issued a document entitled The Basic Values: The Fundaments of National Unity. The document, prepared by the Synodal Department for Church–Society Cooperation, provided a catalogue of 17 traditional values whose general framework was constituted by a combination of freedom, unity, patriotism, family, and devotion. At that time, the Moscow Patriarchate considered religious faith to be the foundation of traditional values and it continues to do so. The defence and promotion of traditional Russian spiritual and moral values were also central in the Russian National Security Strategy (2015); this was the case in the updated version of this document as well, put out in July 2021. Furthermore, they have been the core of the Moscow Patriarchate’s participation in the Council of Europe and of Patriarch Kirill’s speeches about the war in Ukraine. Finally, on 9 November 2022, The Foundations Of State Policy For The Preservation Of Spiritual And Moral Values was approved. This framework permits us to understand the strict interplay between the Church and the State in the Russian Federation and to see why it is important to refer to the concept of post-secularism when talking about the role of religion in post-Soviet Russia. Proceeding from the Abstract, the present paper aims to analyse this interplay in a specific sector of visual culture: the cinema and television industries. Manuel Castells highlighted the relevance of cultural values in the age of information and the connection between the values and social mobilization that follows it. He pointed out that the Internet has become a way to render this connection predominant, inevitably leading to the development of social movements and networks that have a religious basis. This is unquestionably true; surveys conducted by the Russian Public Opinion Research Center (OJSC «VCIOM») and by Nevafilm Research confirm that a high percentage of Russians watch films not only at the cinema or on television (especially the older generations) but also on the Internet (as far as the younger generations are concerned). The importance of this market is also confirmed by the success of the cinema and TV distributor Orthodox Encyclopaedia (2005); in the words of the philosopher Sergei Kravets, who, commenting on it during an interview published in 2006 by the website Sedmits.ru, declared that the expression “orthodox cinema” can be understood as a way to express Russian culture. He asserts that “the fact that today Orthodox films have begun to appear on the central TV channels testifies that Russian film producers and viewers have apparently begun to be aware of themselves as Orthodox, to feel that they are bearers of a special Orthodox culture. [..]”. At the same time, consideration should be given to the importance of the Russian Orthodox Church and the Minister of Culture’s condemnation of films such as Matilda or Monastery. In addition, it is important to consider that, according to a survey conducted in 2022 by the Levada Center, Russian people consider television the most reliable source of information (54%). The long-term implications of this tendency may have very important effects, not only in terms of its objectives but also in terms of the consideration that, after the beginning of the war, many Western film distributors withdrew their licenses from Russia. This paper will analyse “the effect of religion on the institutional system, the regulatory environment of the media and the public sphere” by studying the features of films and TV programs distributed by Orthodox Encyclopaedia, their relations with traditional values promoted both by the Kremlin and the Church, how these have contributed to strengthening the interplay between the Minister of Culture and the Moscow Patriarchate, and the impact this process has had on Russian society and Russia’s relations with the European and Western World in the 2005–2022 period. A list of the films and TV programs being discussed will be provided, and then statements about the project and reviews of the serials and films will be analysed. The analysis will be conducted mainly through the official sites of the Russian Orthodox Church and the Kremlin and by browsing the Integrum database.

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Analysis of the media discourse on the 2022 war in Ukraine: The case of Russia

Cited by 9 publications

References 16 publications

War refugees from Ukraine in Poland – one year after the Russian aggression. Socioeconomic consequences and challenges

War refugees from Ukraine in Poland – one year after the Russian aggression. Socioeconomic consequences and challenges

Cruel Speech:

The Promotion of Traditional Values through Films and Television Programmes: The Moscow Patriarchate and the Orthodox Encyclopaedia Project (2005–2022)

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