AN Introduction to Political Communication

McNair, Brian

doi:10.4324/9781315750293

Cited by 135 publications

(92 citation statements)

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“…In other words, Samaras' rhetoric is based on the cultivation of fear of the 'Other' and he fails to unify Greek voters through his political discourse. Samaras' speech is based on emotional appeal, a routinely deployed tactic (McNair, 2003) that manipulates the fear that the conservative part of the electorate should feel through the demonisation of a radical left government. In particular, Samaras exploits the strategy of persuasion by developing the emotion of fear, aiming to change the electorate's mind to vote by presenting the alternative party as the 'fearful Other'.…”

Section: Fear Vs Hope In Greek Political Discoursesmentioning

confidence: 99%

The politics of fear vs. the politics of hope: analysing the 2015 Greek election and referendum campaigns

Boukala

Dimitrakopoulou

2016

Critical Discourse Studies

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This paper deals with the discursive construction of in-groups and out-groups through a politics of fear and a politics of hope. It draws on the 2015 Greek election and referendum campaigns of the two main political parties -the radical left Syriza and the conservative New Democracy -and emphasises how they legitimised their political decisions via these two forms of politics. The Greek bailout referendum took place on 5 July 2015 in a climate of polarisation and insecurity. We assume that the referendum, at the campaign level, could be considered an extension of the January 2015 election campaign that was shaped on the basis of a synthesis of a politics of fear and a politics of hope. Using the discursive strategies of the Discourse Historical Approach (DHA), and especially argumentation strategies and the concepts of topos and recontextualisation, we illustrate the link between political communication, election campaign strategies and political discourse through the prisms of fear and hope. Drawing on the Spinoza 'affects', we intend to conduct an interdisciplinary study of the contemporary Greek political scene and to illustrate whether and how political rhetoric and communication strategies are conducive to political dichotomies. ARTICLE HISTORY

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Section: Fear Vs Hope In Greek Political Discoursesmentioning

confidence: 99%

The politics of fear vs. the politics of hope: analysing the 2015 Greek election and referendum campaigns

Boukala

Dimitrakopoulou

2016

Critical Discourse Studies

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“…Esta tendencia tampoco es ninguna novedad del siglo XXI, pues ya desde hace más de un siglo se reportan casos de publicaciones falsas en los diarios. Es más, el rol de las noticias falsas es una constante y un elemento central en la dinámica de la comunicación política (McNair, 2017).…”

Section: Marco Teóricounclassified

“…No obstante, en la era digital las fake news parecen haber aumentado, pues contribuyen a tendencias políticas y sociales más amplias en las sociedades del actual siglo (Mcnair, 2018). Justamente, para algunos autores este fenómeno expresa una crisis más amplia de confianza en las élites, cuyos miembros están luchando por mantener sus roles tradicionales en nuestras democracias liberales (McNair, 2017). Pero además esta tendencia se ve fomentada por un flujo constante de información, donde "se difuminan las fronteras entre el periodismo y otras formas de comunicación y activismo" (Aguirre Nieto & Zeta del Pozo, 2017, p. 170); donde la ética periodística es cada vez más cuestionable (Lăzăroiu, 2018) y donde la credibilidad informativa es cuestionada (Vergeer, 2018).…”

Section: Marco Teóricounclassified

Postverdad y discurso intimidatorio en Twitter durante el referéndum catalán del 1-O

Hernández‐Santaolalla

Solá-Morales

2019

(OBS*)

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ResumenLa idea de "postverdad" se ha hecho común en el lenguaje mediático, si bien utilizada en ocasiones como sinónimo de mentira y en otras como una tendencia a usar con mayor profusión la argumentación emocional que la racional en la construcción de los mensajes. Al mismo tiempo, existe un creciente uso del discurso intimidatorio en Internet y redes sociales, como una forma -intencionada o no-de acabar con cualquier tipo de debate y, sobre todo, como una forma de comunicación que apuesta por la emocionalidad y renuncia a la racionalidad o la argumentación. Esta propensión se une, al mismo tiempo, a un creciente uso del odio y la intimidación en internet y redes sociales como una forma intencionada o no de acabar con cualquier tipo de debate. En esta línea, el presente artículo analiza los conceptos de postverdad y discurso intimidatorio en el contexto del "proceso catalán" y, en concreto, en el entorno de la votación del 1 de octubre de 2017. Para ello se siguió una metodología cuantitativa, aplicando un análisis de contenido a un total de 573 tuits emitidos entre el 30 de septiembre y el 2 de octubre de 2017. De estos, 150 fueron publicados por trece líderes y portavoces políticos de partidos que contaban con representación en el Congreso de los Diputados y en el Parlament de Catalunya, y el resto eran respuestas de otros usuarios a dichos mensajes. Los resultados corroboran, en consonancia con la idea de postverdad, la tendencia de los políticos a seguir estrategias retóricas basadas en la emoción y los sentimientos. En cuanto a las respuestas de los usuarios, se confirma la tendencia al ataque más que al debate, aunque no se puede confirmar una generalización en el uso de la ofensa y la agresión.Palabras clave: Comunicación política; Catalunya; emoción; cultura del odio; redes sociales. AbstractThe idea of "post-truth" has become common in media discourse, although sometimes used as a synonym for lying and in others as a tendency to use more emotional argumentation than rational in the construction of the messages. This propensity is linked, at the same time, to a growing use of hate and intimidation on the Internet and social networks sites as an intentional or unintentional mechanism to end any type of debate. At the same time, there is a growing tendency of using intimidation in the Internet and social networks sites as an intentional or unintentional mechanism to end any type of debate. Moreover, this is a form of communication that bets on emotionality and renounces rationality or argumentation. In this line, this article analyzes the concepts of post-truth and intimidatory discourse in the context of the "Catalan process" and, specifically, in the context of voting of October 1st, 2017. For this, a quantitative methodology has been used, applying an analysis of content to a total of 573 tweets issued between September 30th and October 2nd, 2017. Of these, 150 were published by 13 leaders and political parties spokespersons of parties that had representation in the Congress of Deputies and in the Parla...

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“…In line with the developing body of research “examining the inner workings of political campaigns and organizations… and the relations between the different actors who collaborate formally or informally to get candidates elected” (p. 1902), such as Kreiss's () work on digital campaign staffers and Serazio's () study of digital consultants, the present analysis draws from interviews with organizational leaders who worked on behalf of a major U.S. election campaign. This behind‐the‐scenes research thus takes a “source‐centered approach” to understanding political communication, in the sense that it directly targets those who actively work to shape political media flows through their organizational labor (McNair, , p. xvi). While other—particularly large‐scale quantitative—methods are better equipped to measure the precise scope of social media communication and its impact on a range of attitudinal and behavioral outcomes, the source‐centered interview method is ideal for addressing the specific research questions guiding this study: namely, how different types of organizational actors frame the role of social media promotion, and what logics and assumptions about its relative value shape their tactical choices.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Social Media and Citizen Participation in “Official” and “Unofficial” Electoral Promotion: A Structural Analysis of the 2016 Bernie Sanders Digital Campaign

Penney

2017

J Commun

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Drawing on interviews with leaders of the effort to promote the 2016 Bernie Sanders U.S. presidential candidacy on social media, this study contrasts the structure and content of various organizational networks to map the hybrid ecosystem of the contemporary digital campaign. While the "official" Sanders organization built applications to transform supporters into a tightly controlled distribution network for its social media messaging, this was complemented by "unofficial" grassroots networks that circulated more informal and culturally oriented appeals. The latter are classified according to the models of organizationally enabled and self-organized connective action in digital social movements, with structural differences in oversight and moderation that suggest varying levels of creative autonomy for citizens and reputational risk for the associated campaigns.

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AN Introduction to Political Communication

Cited by 135 publications

References 0 publications

The politics of fear vs. the politics of hope: analysing the 2015 Greek election and referendum campaigns

The politics of fear vs. the politics of hope: analysing the 2015 Greek election and referendum campaigns

Postverdad y discurso intimidatorio en Twitter durante el referéndum catalán del 1-O

Social Media and Citizen Participation in “Official” and “Unofficial” Electoral Promotion: A Structural Analysis of the 2016 Bernie Sanders Digital Campaign

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