An Independent Caprivi: A Madness of the Few, a Partial Collective Yearning or a Realistic Possibility? Citizen Perspectives on Caprivian Secession

Secessionism in African Politics

“…While the responsible government minister described the decision as an articulation of "the wishes of the people" there was significant, though not unanimous opposition within the region against the name change . This is consistent with findings that, across ethnic, political and generational lines within the region "Caprivian" exists as a category of self-definition which also includes a sense of being "different", though not necessarily separate from the rest of Namibia (Guijarro 2013). The name change accordingly struck many as an offensive external imposition.…”

Afri̇ka’da Ayrilma Hareketleri̇ni̇n Faktörleri̇: Capri̇vi̇, Casamance Ve Cabi̇nda Vakalarinin Beli̇rlenen Coğrafi̇ Özelli̇kler Açisindan İncelenmesi̇

“…Caprivi Şeridi, tarihte Lozi Krallığının 1915 yılına kadar Alman, 1920 sonrasında ise İngiliz ve Güney Afrika tarafından yönetilen bölgesidir (Guijarro, 2013). Caprivi Şeridi'nin tarihsel ve coğrafi özellikleri Zeller tarafından "Afrika Talanı'nın en tuhaf miraslarından biri" olarak nitelenmiştir (Melber, 2009).…”

Challenging the Status Quo: Reclaiming Indigenous Knowledge through Namibia’s Postcolonial Education System

“…From 1940 until Namibia's independence in 1990 (after a bitter, 30-yearlong struggle led by the South West Africa People's Organisation (SWAPO), which was later joined in 1964 by the Caprivi African National Union (CAU)), the Zambezi Region was governed by South Africa, and, when that country adopted the apartheid state ideology in 1948, the region was designated a Bantustan (a racially segregated territory for African populations) (Zeller 2010). Following independence, the Zambezi Region became one of the country's 14 (as reorganised in 2013) political regions (Massó Guijarro 2013).…”

“…Given its geographical isolation within Namibia, the Zambezi Region developed fairly independently from the rest of Namibia, and thus over time, the region has developed a distinct political identity (Fosse 1997). This may explain why the region has historically exhibited few organic linkages with the rest of the country, a situation compounded by the fact that the area was incorporated into mainland Namibia mainly through the geopolitical machinations of the various imperial powers that colonised the country (Kangumu 2011;Massó Guijarro 2013). Therefore, it is unsurprising that the Zambezi Region has developed a complex relationship, characterised by ethnic tension and political strife, with the rest of the country (Kangumu 2011).…”

“…Therefore, it is unsurprising that the Zambezi Region has developed a complex relationship, characterised by ethnic tension and political strife, with the rest of the country (Kangumu 2011). Resentment of the state has always been pronounced in this region, as evidenced more recently by the 1999 failed secessionist attempt by the Caprivi Liberation Movement led by Mishake Muyongo and Mafwe Chief Boniface Mamili, who are both now in exile in Denmark (Massó Guijarro 2013).…”