An Impression-Driven Model of Candidate Evaluation

Lodge, Milton; McGraw, Kathleen M.; Stroh, Patrick J.

doi:10.2307/1962397

Cited by 492 publications

(313 citation statements)

References 25 publications

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“…In two high profile papers, Milton Lodge and colleagues have argued that, as regards candidate evaluation, effortful processing predominates over less motivated processing (Lodge, McGraw and Stroh, 1989;Lodge, Steenbergen, and Brau, 1996). The procedure in the 1996 study is to ask subjects to state their own views on a set of issues, read a list of positions of fictitious candidates on these issues, and (after delay) evaluate the candidates.…”

Section: Laboratory and Internet Studies Of Persuasionmentioning

confidence: 99%

How Quickly We Forget: The Duration of Persuasion Effects From Mass Communication

Hill¹,

Lo²,

Vavreck³

et al. 2013

Political Communication

188

109

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Scholars do not usually test for the duration of the effects of mass communication, but when they do, they typically find rapid decay. Persuasive impact may end almost as soon as communication ends. Why so much decay? Does mass communication produce any long-term effects? How should this decay color our understanding of the effects of mass communication? We examine these questions with data from the effects of advertising in the 2000 presidential election and 2006 sub-national elections, but argue that our model and results are broadly applicable within the field of political communication. We find that the bulk of the persuasive impact of advertising decays quickly, but that some effect in the presidential campaign endures for at least six weeks. These results, which are similar in rolling cross-section survey data and county-level data on actual presidential vote, appear to reflect a mix of memory-based processing (whose effects last only as long as short-term memory lasts) and on-line processing (whose effects are more durable). Finally, we find that immediate effects of advertising are larger in sub-national than presidential elections, but decay more quickly and more completely.2 Joseph Klapper's classic argument that exposure to mass communication rarely causes significant opinion change is no longer persuasive to many scholars (Klapper, 1960). In the laboratory and in the field, multiple studies have demonstrated fairly large and seemingly consequential effects of exposure to mass communication. 1 A handful of recent studies, however, has found that persuasion effects can be quite shortlived, decaying in a few weeks or even a few days. Best known is the Texas advertising study, which found no persistence of persuasion effects in the week following exposure to the ads (Gerber, Gimpel, Green, and Shaw, 2011). But other recent studies show similar results. For example, Mutz and Reeves (2005) found that exposure to "uncivil behavior" on TV talk shows reduced the public's level of political trust, but that trust bounced back to baseline levels in a follow-up survey.Social psychologists have grappled for decades with findings that persuasive communication often produces only short-lived effects (Cook and Flay, 1978;Petty and Wegener, 1998 raised, much less investigated, are the focus of this paper. We answer them with evidence on the effects of political advertising, but our analysis is framed in terms generally applicable within the field of mass political communication.The paper begins with the theoretical observation that, in politics as in the rest of life, citizens 1 For reviews, see Iyengar and Simon, 2000; Kinder 2003. 3 form opinions by one of two routes (Hastie and Park, 1986). In the first, memory-based evaluation, people express opinions on the basis of information available in memory when asked. In this model, the effect of persuasive messages is to create opinions that may persist only as long as the messages underlying them remain accessible in memory, which may not be long. In the...

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Section: Laboratory and Internet Studies Of Persuasionmentioning

confidence: 99%

How Quickly We Forget: The Duration of Persuasion Effects From Mass Communication

Hill¹,

Lo²,

Vavreck³

et al. 2013

Political Communication

188

109

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…From the perspective of framing effects research, the on-line model has an important implication: People need not to maintain large memory stores of knowledge when making judgments (Druckman and Lupia, 2000). Moreover, the notion of on-line political judgments is well supported by a series of experiments (e. g., Lodge et al, 1989;McGraw Hasecke, and Conger, 2003). Taken together, on-line and memory-based processes have proven to be indispensable ingredients for a coherent theory of judgment formation (Lavine, 2002;McGraw et al, 2003).…”

Section: On-line and Memory-based Judgment Formationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Beyond accessibility? Toward an on-line and memory-based model of framing effects

Matthes

2007

Comm

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“…The source of each message delivered during the campaign, or "who said it," has great potential to explain public opinion in the United States since Americans rate low in political knowledge, display lackluster information processing tendencies, lack the motivation to process the overwhelming information environment of modern day campaigns, and at times struggle to determine how to evaluate candidates (Converse 1964;1990;Delli Carpini and Keeter 1996;Gilens 2001;Lau and Redlawsk 2001;Zaller and Feldman 1992). As such, Americans often rely upon source cues or traits (such as a messenger's ethnicity, race, or gender) because they lack the ability to comprehensively analyze the costs and benefits associated with each candidate to come to a fully informed decision (Converse 1964;Hayes 2010;Hovland et al 1953;Koch 2000;Kuklinski and Hurley 1994;Lau and Redlawsk 2001;Lodge, McGraw, and Stroh 1989;Rahn 1993). Source cues such as the name of a candidate might be especially important in low-information electoral or decisionmaking contexts (Butler and Broockman 2011;Matson and Fine 2006;McDermott 1997;.…”

Section: Issue Ownership and Why Latino Candidates Might Own Immigrationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Owning Immigration: Messenger Ethnicity, Issue Ownership, and Support for Latino Candidates

Shortle

Johnson

2017

J. Race Ethnicity Politics

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Abstract:The public opinion literature stresses the importance of source cues in determining which types of messages affect attitudes and which types do not. Building upon such research, we seek to determine if messenger ethnicity influences how individuals evaluate candidates speaking on immigration in the context of a campaign. Do Americans (and Anglo Americans in particular) view Latino candidates as more experienced, stronger leaders, more trustworthy, and more qualified on immigration than Anglo candidates? Moreover, do such relationships hold regardless of the valence of the message itself ? Through an original survey experiment presenting subjects with immigration talk on the campaign trail, we find Latino candidates are reviewed more positively than Anglo candidates when it comes to the immigration messages they speak (especially when it comes to pro-immigration messages). Such findings give us insight into whether or not Latino candidates have the potential to "own" the issue of immigration, as well as offering another path by which Latino candidates can gain a strong foothold with the public in the context of a campaign.

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An Impression-Driven Model of Candidate Evaluation

Cited by 492 publications

References 25 publications

How Quickly We Forget: The Duration of Persuasion Effects From Mass Communication

How Quickly We Forget: The Duration of Persuasion Effects From Mass Communication

Beyond accessibility? Toward an on-line and memory-based model of framing effects

Owning Immigration: Messenger Ethnicity, Issue Ownership, and Support for Latino Candidates

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