Aid, Insurgencies and Conflict Transformation

Kevlihan, Robert

doi:10.4324/9780203078860

Cited by 29 publications

(6 citation statements)

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“…21 Our dependent variable is change in constant aid as a percentage of GDP, a measure also used in aid papers by Schraeder, Hook, and Taylor (1998), Alesina and Weder (1999), and Tuman and Strand (2005). It is important to 18 For some of the literature on the impact of aid on conflict, see Anderson (1999), Metelits (2007Metelits ( , 2010, and Kevlihan (2009Kevlihan ( , 2013. 19 Per conversation by one of the authors with a senior humanitarian official and former Reagan Administration member, Washington, DC, 2003.…”

Section: Data Set and Dependent Variablementioning

confidence: 99%

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Is US Humanitarian Aid Based Primarily on Need or Self-Interest?

2014

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The United States has made repeated public commitments to provide humanitarian aid based on need alone. However, some scholars suggest that US self-interest is a stronger predictor of US humanitarian assistance than need. We examine the tension between self-interest and need by studying the allocations made by the US Agency for International Development's Office of US Foreign Disaster Assistance for more than 100 developing countries between 1989 and 2009. Moving beyond previous studies, we measure need based on both natural (floods, earthquakes, hurricanes) and man-made (conflict related) disasters. Contrary to much previous scholarship, we find need factors shape the decision to provide aid more than US self-interest does. We also find important differences in how much humanitarian assistance is distributed in the pre-and post-9/11 eras, with foreign policy affinity to the United States and battle deaths playing useful roles in how much aid a country receives in the post-9/11 period. The findings generally point to the ongoing importance of need as a driver of humanitarian aid decisions.The US government has consistently maintained that humanitarian assistance, which is described as lifesaving relief in response to emergency situations, should not be dictated by self-interested foreign policy imperatives. The 2002 National Security Strategy statement is an example of this overt commitment, stating that humanitarian assistance "based on needs alone" will continue (US Government 2002). The 2010 National Security Strategy statement similarly maintains the United States' commitment to responding to humanitarian needs (US Government 2010). The logic underlying these public commitments is that the US government responds to humanitarian needs because such responses reflect the values and moral disposition of the American people. However, several studies (for example,

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Section: Data Set and Dependent Variablementioning

confidence: 99%

“…For some of the literature on the impact of aid on conflict, see Anderson (), Metelits (, ), and Kevlihan (, ).…”

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confidence: 99%

Is US Humanitarian Aid Based Primarily on Need or Self-Interest?

2014

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“…It can be placed on a continuous line (Polese & Kevlihan, 2015) with one extreme being petty, street-level, apparently uncoordinated actions that inform Scott's concept of infrapolitics. Moving along the line we can find actions that are more and more coordinated, and thus visible, until we reach contentious politics and then, further, insurgency that can be regarded as a successful case where non-state actors manage to seize power and reverse the order of a system (Kevlihan, 2013).…”

Section: Resistance Conflict and Negotiationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Negotiating Spaces and the Public–Private Boundary: Language Policies Versus Language Use Practices in Odessa

et al. 2018

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While the so-called “end of public space” literature, focusing on encroachment of private interests and state surveillance, has contributed to critical thinking of access (or the lack thereof) to public space, and the loss of publicity of public space, the conceptual tools such literature offers to understand contestations in and over public space have remained underdeveloped or, at best, underexplored. This article builds on the above debates to provides further empirical evidence on the way actors of a country compete over, and negotiate, the use of public space and the way it should be regulated. Empirically, it illustrates competition and negotiation of the use of language in Odessa, the third largest city of Ukraine, where Ukrainian should be the official language but Russian is widely used. Theoretically, starting from the way public and private are negotiated, and the extent to which this happens, we will suggest that resistance to state measures, and policies, that do not suit a considerable portion of a population may happen not only formally but also informally. The practices, tactics, and mechanisms used may, however, remain “invisible” for some time and then surprise everyone by emerging, all of a sudden, one day. A possible way to notice these dynamics is to engage with an “everyday” approach, thus acknowledging that everyday practices are a meaningful, and useful, site for understanding sociopolitical developments in the process of the construction of “the political.”

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“…Some have explored the correlation between power and national construction (Akbarzadeh 1999;Cummings 2002; Isaacs 2011, 2015; Peyrouse 2012b; 6 Beachain, Sheridan, and Stan 2012; Isaacs and With more 2013), the way this power is used and reinforced by symbols (Cummings 2002(Cummings ,2009(Cummings ,2013Denison 2009;6 Beachain 2011;Matveeva 2009), and, more recently, the role of neo-patrimonialism in a number of interesting cases in Central Asia (Kunysz 2012;Laruelle 2012a;Isaacs 2014). Another recent tendency has been to explore the competition between formal, informal, and even insurgent actors (Kevlihan 2007(Kevlihan , 2013a(Kevlihan , 2013bPolese and Kevlihan 2015) that have affected the way political structures and policies in the region have taken shape (Isaacs 2010;Dagiev 2014). All these approaches have in common a preoccupation with the nation-building project at the institutional and elite level and the way this is done by official laws and recommendations that, in tum, feed an official state narrative on national identity and nation-building.…”

Section: From Personality Cult To Nation-buildingmentioning

confidence: 99%

A tale of two presidents: personality cult and symbolic nation-building in Turkmenistan

Polese

Horák

2015

Natl. pap.

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This article proposes a comparison of the attitudes of the first and second presidents of Turkmenistan to discuss possible overlap between personality cult, as it has been initiated and developed by the two presidents after independence, and nation-building narratives in the country. Nation-building in post-Soviet spaces has been studied comprehensively, but this paper is distinguished by two interpretative frameworks. First, this article is possibly the first comparison of personality cult as it has been constructed by the two Turkmen presidents since 1991. Second, it looks at some specific aspects of the personality cult as possible markers of a Turkmen national identity that becomes, by force of this, de-ethnicized. We suggest that a number of idiosyncratic aspects of the personality cult in Turkmenistan contribute to construct an official nation-building narrative so concentrated on the figure of the president as to minimize the ethnic features of nation-building measures that scholars have noticed in a wide range of cases in the post-socialist region.

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Aid, Insurgencies and Conflict Transformation

Cited by 29 publications

References 0 publications

Is US Humanitarian Aid Based Primarily on Need or Self-Interest?

Is US Humanitarian Aid Based Primarily on Need or Self-Interest?

Negotiating Spaces and the Public–Private Boundary: Language Policies Versus Language Use Practices in Odessa

A tale of two presidents: personality cult and symbolic nation-building in Turkmenistan

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