Agreement and Its Failures

Preminger, Omer

doi:10.7551/mitpress/9780262027403.001.0001

Cited by 286 publications

(197 citation statements)

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“…One possible explanation for this fact is that both ϕ-probes need to find values and be spelled out before any other operations target the CP layer. 11 This proposal may appear to be in disagreement with Preminger (2014), who argues that the failure to value unvalued features does not cause the derivation to crash in all cases. On the other hand, my proposal does not necessarily conflict with Preminger's analysis, since he assumes Agree to be an "obligatory opera-Consequently, all uninterpretable features serve as probes and begin seeking goals as soon as they enter the derivation.…”

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confidence: 99%

C-T Inheritance and the left periphery in Old Japanese

Aldridge¹

2018

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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This paper proposes an analysis of movement to the left periphery in Old Japanese within the framework of C-T Inheritance. Particular attention is given to the fact that nominative subjects precede focused constituents in focus concord constructions known as kakari-musubi (KM). I propose that this order is ensured by the nature of the features motivating these respective movements. Following Richards (2007), I propose that uninterpretable features -particularly those seeking a value -must be spelled out as soon as they are valued. Consequently, these features must be inherited so that they are in the domain of the phase head when spell out takes place. Building on earlier analyses of KM constructions as involving agreement between a focus particle and the verbal inflection which covaries with that particle (Ikawa 1998; Watanabe 2005; Kuroda 2007, and others), I propose that focused constituents must move to [Spec, TP], since their movement is motivated by an unvalued focus feature. In contrast to this, subject movement to value nominative case is not driven by an uninterpretable probe on the phase head like [uϕ], because Japanese lacks subject/verb agreement. Following Saito (2016), I propose that subjects undergo movement agnostically in order to value their own case features. Since there is no probe on C driving this movement, inheritance does not take place, and the subject moves to [Spec, CP], with the result that it precedes the focused constituent in surface word order.

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confidence: 99%

C-T Inheritance and the left periphery in Old Japanese

Aldridge¹

2018

Glossa: A Journal of General Linguistics

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“…The point here is that pronominal clitics can be formally/Case licensed through a relation with one functional head but cliticize to a different head for morpho-phonological reasons. While certain details have been glossed over here for reasons of space (see Harizanov 2014;Kramer 2014;Preminger 2014 for recent work), I believe that this working hypothesis provides a plausible account of argument licensing and morpheme ordering in Yucatec clauses headed by a verb.…”

Section: The Syntax Of the Verbal Template Or Complexmentioning

confidence: 99%

La sintaxis de la predicación no verbal en maya yucateco

Armstrong

2017

CLECM

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The objective of this paper is to fill a void in the formal syntactic literature on Mayan languages by proposing a syntactic structure for clauses with non-verbal predicates in Yucatec Maya. The paper attempts to integrate the rich descriptions of non-verbal predicate constructions found in more functionally-oriented accounts (Lehmann 2002(Lehmann [1998; Verhoeven 2007; Vapnarsky 2013) with insights from the generative literature on argument licensing and clause structure in Mayan languages (Coon 2016 for an overview) as well as small clauses (Citko 2011 for an overview). I conclude that non-verbal sentences in Yucatec are matrix small clauses embedded under an Infl node, which is the locus for finiteness/ stative aspect rather than tense morphology. This simple structure, coupled with independently motivated operations that have been proposed for small clauses and argument licensing/word order in Mayan languages, is able to account for a range of properties of these sentences that improves upon previous accounts developed in Armstrong (2010), Pye (2011) andCoon (2014).

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“…I propose that a failed AGREE relation -in the sense of Preminger (2009Preminger ( , 2014, as in (70) -can account for mixed gender agreement.…”

Section: How Can We Account For Mixed Gender Agreement?mentioning

confidence: 99%

Nominalizing evaluative suffixes in Russian: The interaction of declension class, gender, and animacy

Steriopolo

2017

Vestnik

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This is a study of Russian nominalizing evaluative suffixes that form nouns of the -adeclension. Such suffixes are interesting because they can consistently change the animacy, declension class, and grammatical gender of the base to which they attach. However, the resulting nominalizations belong to different grammatical genders that seem to depend on the biological gender of a discourse referent.This work investigates morphosyntactic properties of such evaluative suffixes and proposes an account for the differences in grammatical gender in the framework of Distributed Morphology (Halle and Marantz 1993, Halle 1997, Marantz 1997, among many others), which provides us with formal tools for handling syntactic processes that happen inside a word -in this case, inside evaluative nominalizations.The study contributes to a number of much-debated questions in the current linguistic literature concerning the interaction between grammatical gender and declension class, mixed gender agreement, interpretability of gender features, and default gender.

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Agreement and Its Failures

Cited by 286 publications

References 0 publications

C-T Inheritance and the left periphery in Old Japanese

C-T Inheritance and the left periphery in Old Japanese

La sintaxis de la predicación no verbal en maya yucateco

Nominalizing evaluative suffixes in Russian: The interaction of declension class, gender, and animacy

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