“…These scholars suggest that school textbooks can function as an important medium of reflecting consolidated discursive realms and can be instrumental in transmitting them to future generations (Ide et al 2019). Other research into education in conflict-affected context of Cyprus, tracing genealogies of affects and emotions related to memory, trauma and ethnic conflict provides an important point of orientation on how Greek-Cypriot schools have historically constituted affective discourses and practices on security, ethnic identity, and conflict/peace (Zembylas 2020). This research also states that students and educators are emotionally engaged in everyday securitised discourses and practices that construct the 'enemy-ethnic other' (Turks and Turkish-Cypriots) as 'fearful' and 'dangerous' (Zembylas 2020).…”
Section: Securitisation Of Education/higher Educationmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Other research into education in conflict-affected context of Cyprus, tracing genealogies of affects and emotions related to memory, trauma and ethnic conflict provides an important point of orientation on how Greek-Cypriot schools have historically constituted affective discourses and practices on security, ethnic identity, and conflict/peace (Zembylas 2020). This research also states that students and educators are emotionally engaged in everyday securitised discourses and practices that construct the 'enemy-ethnic other' (Turks and Turkish-Cypriots) as 'fearful' and 'dangerous' (Zembylas 2020). These discourses and practices are argued to rely on the manipulation of certain affects and emotions-e.g., the Turkish military invasion of Cyprus in 1974 and the fear that the Turks will capture the rest of Cyprus-that happens at the micropolitical level within and beyond schools to reproduce constructions of the ethnic other as dangerous, volatile, and threatening (Zembylas 2020).…”
Section: Securitisation Of Education/higher Educationmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…These discourses and practices are argued to rely on the manipulation of certain affects and emotions-e.g., the Turkish military invasion of Cyprus in 1974 and the fear that the Turks will capture the rest of Cyprus-that happens at the micropolitical level within and beyond schools to reproduce constructions of the ethnic other as dangerous, volatile, and threatening (Zembylas 2020). Through these discourses and practices, students and educators are actively and emotionally involved with issues that become deeply securitised in their everyday lives (Zembylas 2020).…”
Section: Securitisation Of Education/higher Educationmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The religious education classroom wherein issues of social cohesion and more contentious issues of citizenship are taught, becomes highly emotively, 'the counter terrorist classroom (Gearon 2012).' Additionally, scholarship has increasingly paid attention to 'the overt and covert linkages between security and education' (Durodie 2016), amid growing concerns over radicalisation and violent extremism, especially among youth (Zembylas 2020). For instance, the Prevent programme across the EU is argued to establish and perpetuate securitised discourses that pathologise certain individuals (often Muslims) as 'vulnerable' and 'problem' subjects who are inclined to be drawn to radicalism and extremism (Zembylas 2020).…”
Section: Securitisation Of Education/higher Educationmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Additionally, scholarship has increasingly paid attention to 'the overt and covert linkages between security and education' (Durodie 2016), amid growing concerns over radicalisation and violent extremism, especially among youth (Zembylas 2020). For instance, the Prevent programme across the EU is argued to establish and perpetuate securitised discourses that pathologise certain individuals (often Muslims) as 'vulnerable' and 'problem' subjects who are inclined to be drawn to radicalism and extremism (Zembylas 2020). Securitising educational programmes, therefore, end up creating a surveillance regime that seeks to co-opt educators, administrators, and students as agents of the state against 'problem' individuals (Zembylas 2020;Arshad-Ayaz and Naseem 2017).…”
Section: Securitisation Of Education/higher Educationmentioning
This article investigates the securitisation of the higher education sector in Afghanistan by examining ‘hidden’ non-discursive practices as opposed to overt discursive threat construction. Non-discursive practices are framed by the habitus inherited from different social fields, whereas in Afghanistan, securitising actors converge from different habitus (e.g., institutions, professions, backgrounds) to bar the ‘other’ ethnic or social groups from resources and spaces which could empower these groups to become a pertinent threat, a fear, and a danger to the monopoly of the state elites over the state power and resources. The most prominent securitisation practices emerging from the data include mainly (1) the obstruction of the formation of critical ideas and politics; (2) the obstruction of economic opportunities; and (3) the obstruction of social justice. This article deploys a case study methodology and uses the Kabul University as its subject of investigation.
“…These scholars suggest that school textbooks can function as an important medium of reflecting consolidated discursive realms and can be instrumental in transmitting them to future generations (Ide et al 2019). Other research into education in conflict-affected context of Cyprus, tracing genealogies of affects and emotions related to memory, trauma and ethnic conflict provides an important point of orientation on how Greek-Cypriot schools have historically constituted affective discourses and practices on security, ethnic identity, and conflict/peace (Zembylas 2020). This research also states that students and educators are emotionally engaged in everyday securitised discourses and practices that construct the 'enemy-ethnic other' (Turks and Turkish-Cypriots) as 'fearful' and 'dangerous' (Zembylas 2020).…”
Section: Securitisation Of Education/higher Educationmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Other research into education in conflict-affected context of Cyprus, tracing genealogies of affects and emotions related to memory, trauma and ethnic conflict provides an important point of orientation on how Greek-Cypriot schools have historically constituted affective discourses and practices on security, ethnic identity, and conflict/peace (Zembylas 2020). This research also states that students and educators are emotionally engaged in everyday securitised discourses and practices that construct the 'enemy-ethnic other' (Turks and Turkish-Cypriots) as 'fearful' and 'dangerous' (Zembylas 2020). These discourses and practices are argued to rely on the manipulation of certain affects and emotions-e.g., the Turkish military invasion of Cyprus in 1974 and the fear that the Turks will capture the rest of Cyprus-that happens at the micropolitical level within and beyond schools to reproduce constructions of the ethnic other as dangerous, volatile, and threatening (Zembylas 2020).…”
Section: Securitisation Of Education/higher Educationmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…These discourses and practices are argued to rely on the manipulation of certain affects and emotions-e.g., the Turkish military invasion of Cyprus in 1974 and the fear that the Turks will capture the rest of Cyprus-that happens at the micropolitical level within and beyond schools to reproduce constructions of the ethnic other as dangerous, volatile, and threatening (Zembylas 2020). Through these discourses and practices, students and educators are actively and emotionally involved with issues that become deeply securitised in their everyday lives (Zembylas 2020).…”
Section: Securitisation Of Education/higher Educationmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The religious education classroom wherein issues of social cohesion and more contentious issues of citizenship are taught, becomes highly emotively, 'the counter terrorist classroom (Gearon 2012).' Additionally, scholarship has increasingly paid attention to 'the overt and covert linkages between security and education' (Durodie 2016), amid growing concerns over radicalisation and violent extremism, especially among youth (Zembylas 2020). For instance, the Prevent programme across the EU is argued to establish and perpetuate securitised discourses that pathologise certain individuals (often Muslims) as 'vulnerable' and 'problem' subjects who are inclined to be drawn to radicalism and extremism (Zembylas 2020).…”
Section: Securitisation Of Education/higher Educationmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Additionally, scholarship has increasingly paid attention to 'the overt and covert linkages between security and education' (Durodie 2016), amid growing concerns over radicalisation and violent extremism, especially among youth (Zembylas 2020). For instance, the Prevent programme across the EU is argued to establish and perpetuate securitised discourses that pathologise certain individuals (often Muslims) as 'vulnerable' and 'problem' subjects who are inclined to be drawn to radicalism and extremism (Zembylas 2020). Securitising educational programmes, therefore, end up creating a surveillance regime that seeks to co-opt educators, administrators, and students as agents of the state against 'problem' individuals (Zembylas 2020;Arshad-Ayaz and Naseem 2017).…”
Section: Securitisation Of Education/higher Educationmentioning
This article investigates the securitisation of the higher education sector in Afghanistan by examining ‘hidden’ non-discursive practices as opposed to overt discursive threat construction. Non-discursive practices are framed by the habitus inherited from different social fields, whereas in Afghanistan, securitising actors converge from different habitus (e.g., institutions, professions, backgrounds) to bar the ‘other’ ethnic or social groups from resources and spaces which could empower these groups to become a pertinent threat, a fear, and a danger to the monopoly of the state elites over the state power and resources. The most prominent securitisation practices emerging from the data include mainly (1) the obstruction of the formation of critical ideas and politics; (2) the obstruction of economic opportunities; and (3) the obstruction of social justice. This article deploys a case study methodology and uses the Kabul University as its subject of investigation.
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