Advocacy coalitions, REDD+, and forest governance in Papua New Guinea: how likely is transformational change?

Babon, Andrea; McIntyre, Dan C.; Gowae, Gae Y.; Gallemore, Caleb; Carmenta, Rachel; Gregorio, Monica Di; Brockhaus, Maria

doi:10.5751/es-06486-190316

Cited by 52 publications

(23 citation statements)

References 39 publications

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“…Studies of policy stasis either examine a single case of policy stasis, compare subsystems of policy stasis and change, or follow a policy stasis and then an eventual change over time. For example, Babon et al () examine a failed policy change in terms of forest governance in Papua New Guinea; Hirschi and Widmer () compare two subsystems related to Swiss foreign policy, one with a policy change and another with policy stasis; and Nohrstedt () examines Swedish intelligence policy over time, identifying various processes that led to policy stasis until an eventual policy change occurred. These studies exemplify how policy stasis in the ACF can be studied.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Policy Change: An Advocacy Coalition Framework Perspective

Pierce¹,

Peterson²,

Hicks³

2017

Policy Studies Journal

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One purpose of the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) is to explain policy change. Previous holistic reviews of the ACF by Weible, Sabatier, and McQueen (2009) and Pierce, Peterson, Jones, Garrard, and Vu (2017) of the framework have not explicitly analyzed all the concepts and their interactions in a systematic manner. To address this gap and inform scholars and practitioners about past findings, strengths, weaknesses, and opportunities for future research, this article analyzes how the ACF's theory of policy change is applied to 148 policy processes among 67 journal articles from 2007 to 2014. Similar to Weible et al. (2009), this research finds the frequent use of multiple primary pathways to policy change, infrequent use of many of the ACF's concepts, a plurality of applications in the environment and energy domain, comparison of subsystems, and a need for greater clarity and transparency among applications. Unlike Weible et al. (2009), this article explores associations between primary pathways and policy domains, the frequency of associations between primary pathways and secondary components, policy change and stasis, and identifies threats to internal validity of key ACF concepts.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Policy Change: An Advocacy Coalition Framework Perspective

Pierce¹,

Peterson²,

Hicks³

2017

Policy Studies Journal

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“…Among the seven countries, PNG has the strongest recognition of customary rights to land, as well as an explicit acknowledgment of the value of standing forest in its constitution (GovPNG 1975). Despite these, new land concessions to speed up economic development, known as special agriculture and business leases, are believed to threaten REDD+ goals and were challenged by a broad coalition of nonstate and state actors, which led to policy review and a moratorium on new licenses (Babon et al 2014). …”

Section: Redd+ In Domestic Contextsmentioning

confidence: 99%

National REDD+ policy networks: from cooperation to conflict

Brockhaus¹,

Gregorio²

2014

E&S

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ABSTRACT. Reducing emissions from deforestation and forest degradation (REDD+) is a financial mechanism aimed at providing incentives to reduce carbon emissions from forests and enhance carbon stocks. In most forest-rich developing countries, policy actors, i.e., state and nonstate as well as international and national, are designing national REDD+ policies. Actors' interests and beliefs shape patterns of interactions, ranging from cooperation to conflict, and these interactions influence a country's direction and progress in REDD+ policy formulation and implementation. We used a comparative policy network approach to analyze the power structures in national REDD+ policy domains in seven countries. We drew on the typology of power structures defined by two dimensions, namely the distribution of power in the policy arena and the dominant type of interaction, cooperative or conflictual, among actors, and we mapped the progress of national REDD+ decision-making processes against these power structures. We tested three hypotheses and found that (1) national ownership over the policy process is a prerequisite for progress. In addition, (2) the level of concentration of power in an actor group can facilitate progress in REDD+; however, particularly when concentration of power is high, progress will be possible only if the interests of the most powerful are aligned with the objectives of REDD+ and address the drivers of deforestation and forest degradation. Furthermore, (3) although cooperation is perceived as ideal in any collective decision-making setting, a certain level of conflict is necessary for progress in REDD+ decision making. This applies particularly in more advanced national REDD+ domains, where, following a honeymoon phase during which most policy actors embrace the broad idea of REDD+, policy decisions must deal with difficult realities associated with negotiating established business-as-usual interests, which entails high political costs.

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“…However, the volume of raw log exports from this part of Oceania has risen again over the course of the past decade, as the previous demand from Japan has been replaced by an equally strong demand from China (Dauvergne 1997;Filer 2013). In this recent period, the rising rate of timber extraction has not been matched by fresh investments in forest conservation, despite the global and national interest shown in the prospect of securing such investments for a reduction of carbon dioxide emissions from the process of deforestation and forest degradation Filer 2012;Babon et al 2014;also Filer, Chapter 8, Wood, Chapter 9, and Gabriel, Chapter 10, this volume).…”

Section: Bell Paige West and Colin Filermentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Local environmental NGOs made an unaccustomed alliance with national forestry officials in this struggle because they saw the reformed version of the OCC as a puppet of Kevin Conrad and the group of highly paid foreign consultants whom he had introduced to this process immediately after the Copenhagen climate change conference at the end of 2009 (Lang 2010b;Babon 2011;Babon et al 2014). Supporters of the April Salumei project were reluctant to endorse the NPD while there was no prospect of an end to this form of foreign interference.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%