Admission to the sovereignty club: the past, present, and future of the international recognition regime

Griffiths, Ryan D.

doi:10.1080/21622671.2016.1265463

Cited by 22 publications

(9 citation statements)

References 32 publications

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“…One of the most important mechanisms here is the mutual recognition of sovereignty in international society. That is why states form a "recognition regime" (Griffiths, 2016) that organizes relations of mutual recognition to safeguard states' ontological security. This is why international society views non-state spaces as anathema and has developed a norm of territorial statehood (Lambach, 2020).…”

Section: Causes Of Territorializationmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Territorialization of the Global Commons: Evidence from Ocean Governance

Lambach

2022

PaG

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The international system of states displays an inherent drive to territorialize the global commons. But territorialization is not a continuous process—it occurs in episodes. In this article, I use one case from ocean governance, the expansion of territory into near-shore areas of the seas, to advance a twofold argument about the nature of these episodes. First, I argue that the root causes of this drive to territorialize “empty space” are located in global politics, norms, and economics. Second, a territorializing episode occurs when there are impelling economic incentives, and when great powers are unable or unwilling to oppose territorialization. However, this can lead to different outcomes: sovereign territories, functional territories, or internationalized territories. Oceanic space has seen a series of these territorializing episodes since the end of the Second World War and functional territorialization has become more prevalent over time.

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Section: Causes Of Territorializationmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Territorialization of the Global Commons: Evidence from Ocean Governance

Lambach

2022

PaG

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“…Furthermore, the importance of administrative units in the emergence and survival of secessionist movements have been researched by Roeder (2007) and Florea (2014, 2017), respectively. In the same vein, Griffiths (2015, 2017) examined the importance of first line administrative units for the acquisition of international recognition. In addition, Newman and Visoka (2018) in their joint article, as well as Visoka (2018) in his individual research, offer an alternative bottom‐up approach towards recognition, which sheds light on the efforts of the contested state towards this end, rather than the typical approach of how systemic factors affect external recognition.…”

Section: Secession and Declarations Of Independencementioning

confidence: 99%

Declarations of Independence after the Cold War: Abandoning grievance and avoiding rupture

Kartsonaki

Pavković

2021

Nations and Nationalism

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Declarations of Independence (DoIs) tend to employ the grievance topoi as a means to legitimize their demands for statehood. We find, however, that after the end of the Cold War a new subgenre of DoIs emerged, which deploys topoi not referring to grievances against the host state. These DoIs focus on commitments the secessionist state makes towards existing states. We analyse four DoIs, that of Slovenia, Croatia, Abkhazia, and Kosovo using Wodak et al.'s Critical Discourse Analysis and Wendt's categorization of state identity. Our findings show that these secessionist states pledge to adhere to the internationally recognized norms of democracy, rule of law, and human rights and put forward a discourse of “belonging” to a family of states defined by these norms. They call therefore for international recognition based on their commitment to socialization avoiding the rupture with the host state and the issue of breach of territorial integrity.

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“…Recognition patterns rather occur through quasi-mechanistic structural patterns that often follow the interests of great powers (Kinne 2014). The actual dynamic of state recognition seems therefore devoid of clear legal rationales (Onuf 2013;Griffiths 2017).…”

Section: Framework Legitimacymentioning

confidence: 99%

Transnistria’s Order of Friendship: Legitimacy Through Diplomatic Practice

Nishikawa-Pacher¹

2020

Europe-Asia Studies

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What strategies do de facto states employ in conducting their diplomacy? This article examines Transnistria's Order of Friendship, a state award that primarily targets foreigners, by analysing the profiles of all known award recipients. The Order is found to be a political tool to enhance Transnistria's domestic and external legitimacy in the absence of recognised sovereignty. The findings confirm the literature on Transnistria's 'bandwagoning' with Russia, indicate that a patron's support must be actively sought rather than taken for granted, andsince many awardees are from jurisdictions other than the patron state Russia-point to the need to examine the foreign policy of de facto states more holistically. WHEN, IN 2012, TRANSNISTRIA ESTABLISHED THE ORDER OF FRIENDSHIP as its only state award primarily aimed at foreigners, 1 there were good reasons to doubt that the de facto state 2 still enjoyed a strong commitment from its patron state Russia. In the preceding year, Russia had backed a defeated candidate in the Transnistrian presidential election, pressuring the newly elected de facto government under the leadership of Evgenii Shevchuk to 'convince his Russian ally of the continuity of Transnistria's devotedness' (Istomin & Bolgova 2016, p. 12). The cooling of relations between Russia and Transnistria was indicated by, inter alia, the eruption of a dispute on gas prices in Transnistria, the closure of the Russian quasi-consulate in Tiraspol, and investigations regarding the son of a former Transnistrian de facto president for allegedly embezzling Russian aid (Devyatkov 2012, pp. 57-8).

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Admission to the sovereignty club: the past, present, and future of the international recognition regime

Cited by 22 publications

References 32 publications

The Territorialization of the Global Commons: Evidence from Ocean Governance

The Territorialization of the Global Commons: Evidence from Ocean Governance

Declarations of Independence after the Cold War: Abandoning grievance and avoiding rupture

Transnistria’s Order of Friendship: Legitimacy Through Diplomatic Practice

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