As a result of the oil price shocks, the 1979 revolution, and the eight-year war with Iraq, fundamental changes have taken place in Iran's foreign exchange position as well as in its exchange rate policy. The viable data over the period 1979-80 to 1988-89 clearly show that, despite the revolutionary rhetoric, very little has been done to reduce the country's dependence on oil exports as a source of foreign exchange and government revenues. Instead, in the face of falling oil revenues and the country's increasing international isolation, coupled with the regime's unwillingness to incur foreign debt, the government has adopted a severe "import compression" policy through selective tariffs and quotas, strict control of private and government imports by means of import licenses, and the imposition of foreign exchange allocations on government agencies. The result has been an ever-rising premium on the U.S. dollar in the "black" market, a highly overvalued official exchange rate, a substantial increase in rent-seeking activities at the expense of production, a severe misallocation of resources, and loss of output and industrial capacity.Some of these developments may have been unavoidable and can be traced to forces outside the control of the Islamic Republic. The war with Iraq, trade sanctions, and the collapse of the oil prices in 1986 have all clearly contributed to the foreign exchange shortages and the rise in the black market premium. But the maintenance of a highly overvalued official exchange rate, along with strict direct control of imports, has created ample opportunities for rent-seeking activities with very harmful consequences for the performance of the real economy.Irrespective of whether one approves of the import-substitution strategy as an appropriate industrial policy for Iran's future economic development, the present mix of trade and exchange rate policies is difficult to justify on economic grounds. The adherence to these policies over the past decade has accentuated, instead of correcting, the fundamental imbalances that had begun to emerge in the Iranian economy during the last years of the Shah's regime. What is required is an industrial and commercial policy geared to the regeneration of private investment and the promotion of non-oil exports. It is difficult to see how this can be achieved without a realignment of exchange rates and a gradual liberalization of imports. The rise in the black market premium needs to be checked and significantly reversed; otherwise a substantial part of the private sector resources will continue to be diverted from production to rent-seeking activities with all the corruption and the waste that such