2022
DOI: 10.1108/ijm-06-2021-0362
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Active political engagement, political patronage and local labour markets – The example of Shkoder

Abstract: PurposeThis paper aims to contribute to the understanding of the effects of active political engagement in port-of-entry jobs and employment pathways for graduate students in a post-communist context which is characterized by clientelism. The data are derived from a structured survey of a small local labour market where political clientelism is pronounced due to the strong network ties. Controlling for both demand and supply factors, the authors identify a profile for those who are more prone to engage politic… Show more

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Cited by 4 publications
(4 citation statements)
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“…Then this is in live with previous evidence that people in the WB6 invest more in social capital connections than hard work (Efendic and Ledeneva, 2020). Similarly, this fosters political clientelism and corruption during the political business cycle where electoral campaigns and rewarding of the 'militant politicization' promotes the use of public sector jobs as means to buy votes and political power (Drishti et al, 2022;Imami et al, 2017). In order to achieve the social objective of a just/fair society, new economic reforms should aim not only at high GDP growth but also at eradicating corruption and cronyism, strengthening the rule of law, and strengthening social mobility (Douarin and Mickiewicz, 2022).…”
Section: Resultssupporting
confidence: 58%
See 1 more Smart Citation
“…Then this is in live with previous evidence that people in the WB6 invest more in social capital connections than hard work (Efendic and Ledeneva, 2020). Similarly, this fosters political clientelism and corruption during the political business cycle where electoral campaigns and rewarding of the 'militant politicization' promotes the use of public sector jobs as means to buy votes and political power (Drishti et al, 2022;Imami et al, 2017). In order to achieve the social objective of a just/fair society, new economic reforms should aim not only at high GDP growth but also at eradicating corruption and cronyism, strengthening the rule of law, and strengthening social mobility (Douarin and Mickiewicz, 2022).…”
Section: Resultssupporting
confidence: 58%
“…Post-communist contexts typically re ect perceptions of unfair inequality and favourable non-competitive segments of workers in the labour market and are characterized by a general lack of distributive justice (Checchi et al, 2016;Drishti et al, 2022;Efendic and Ledeneva, 2020;Guriev and Zhuravskaya, 2009). In these economies, IOp, along with corruption, has been identi ed as a key driver of societal support for future reformation (Douarin and Mickiewicz, 2022) therefore IOp plays also an instrumental role in terms of support for redistributive policies.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Evidence of such signi cance would indicate the presence of imperfectly competitive labour markets in which personal circumstances and social endowments, i.e. family connections, social networks, and personal ties make a difference in time to obtaining rst jobs (Drishti et al, 2022;Efendic & Ledeneva, 2020). In other words, this would validate the fact that 'in-labour market inequality of opportunities' are at play.…”
Section: Hypothesismentioning
confidence: 99%
“…This transition is in uenced by various factors including socio-economic status (SES), access to networks, and the quality of educational institutions. One signi cant nding is that social networks play a critical role in facilitating the transition from higher education to employment, particularly in the case of the WB6 (Drishti et al, 2022;Efendic & Ledeneva, 2020). Research indicates that graduates who have strong professional networks and social capital are more likely to secure employment quickly and in elds relevant to their studies.…”
Section: Inequality Of Opportunities In Utwtmentioning
confidence: 99%