Acoustic properties of prominence in Hungarian and the Functional Load Hypothesis

Vogel, Irene; Athanasopoulou, Angeliki; Pincus, Nadya

doi:10.1075/atoh.14.11vog

Cited by 9 publications

(8 citation statements)

References 14 publications

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“…The limitation of this phenomenon to word-initial position, however, suggests that "tonogenesis" is not the appropriate characterization of the change at this point, if a tonal language is one that exhibits tone contrasts in different positions throughout a word. Instead, what may be emerging is a restrictive type of lexical stress system with prominence predictably on the first syllable (i.e., asin Hungarian, where the primary cue is also F0 (Vogel, Athanasopoulou and Pincus 2015)). Nevertheless, the Korean system is also not yet a full-fledged stress system since we found no evidence of enhancement of the prosodic properties of the first (or any other) syllable under focus, as would be expected on the stressed syllable of a word in a stress language.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…For each target vowel, duration, intensity, F0 (mean and contour) and vowel centralization were measured and Z-normalized for vowel and speaker intrinsic differences. The data were analysed statistically with Binary Logistic Regression(see Vogel, Athanasopoulou and Pincus 2015). We also measured the VOT of the onset stops for two speakers to verify previous claims that the VOT distinction is being lost.…”

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Emergence of word prosody in (Seoul) Korean

Athanasopoulou¹,

Vogel²

2019

Proceedings of International Conferences of Experimental Linguistics

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It has been argued that Korean has recently developed an F0 distinction word-initially partially replacing the VOT distinction of the three stop categories, lax, aspirated, tense. This change has been characterized as tonogenesis, but since the contrast is not on all syllables, it seems to be more consistent with a pitch accent language than a tone language. We investigate the prosodic patterns of trisyllabic words to assess a) whether the VOT-to-F0 change is only word-initial or if it also occurs in other syllables, b) if there is evidence of word level prominence on one syllable supporting a pitch accent interpretation. The data from 10 Korean speakers yield conflicting evidence for both tonal and pitch accent prosodic systems.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Methodsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Emergence of word prosody in (Seoul) Korean

Athanasopoulou¹,

Vogel²

2019

Proceedings of International Conferences of Experimental Linguistics

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“…performed by Genzel et al (2015) and Vogel et al (2015). The phonetic cue that is most likely to be associated with prominence in Hungarian appears to be the scaling of F0 peaks of falling accents.…”

Section: Data Analysis and Measurementsmentioning

confidence: 95%

Quantifier scope in sentence prosody?

Surányi

Turi

2018

Acta Linguistica Hungarica

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Logical scope interpretation and sentence prosody exhibit intricate, yet scarcely studied interrelations across a variety of languages and constructions. Despite these observable interrelations, it is not clear whether quantifier scope by itself is able to directly affect prosodic form. Information structure is a key potential confounding factor, as it appears to richly interact both with scope interpretation and with prosodic form. To address this complication, the current study investigates, based on data from Hungarian, whether quantifier scope is expressed prosodically if information structure is kept in check. A production experiment is presented that investigates grammatically scope ambiguous doubly quantified sentences with varied focus structures, while lacking a syntactically marked topic or focus. In contrast to the information structural manipulation, which is manifest in the analysis of the acoustic data, the results reveal no prosodic effect of quantifier scope, nor the interaction of scope with information structure. This finding casts doubt on the notion that logical scope can receive direct prosodic expression, and it indirectly corroborates the restrictive view instead that scope interpretation is encoded in prosody only in cases in which it is a free rider on information structure.

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“…The authors found results consistent with what they refer to as an extended version of the FLH: Hungarian, the language of the four with contrastive vowel length, was found not to use duration as a cue to stress (see also Vogel et al . 2015), and Greek and Spanish were found to use different cues for word-level stress (F0, in both cases) and sentence-level focus (duration, in both cases). This kind of careful experimental investigation is what is needed to ultimately assess the validity of the FLH across languages, as well as to understand more broadly what types of cues remain distinct.…”

Section: The Functional Load Hypothesismentioning

confidence: 96%

Vowel-length contrasts and phonetic cues to stress: an investigation of their relation

et al. 2017

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The functional load hypothesis of Berinstein (1979) put forward the idea that languages which use a suprasegmental property (duration, F0) contrastively will not use it to realise stress. The functional load hypothesis is often cited when stress correlates are discussed, both when it is observed that the language under discussion follows the hypothesis and when it fails to follow it. In the absence of a more wide-ranging assessment of how frequently languages do or do not conform to the functional load hypothesis, it is unknown whether it is an absolute, a strong tendency, a weak tendency or unsupported. The results from a database of reported stress correlates and use of contrastive duration for 140 languages are presented and discussed. No support for the functional load hypothesis is found.

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Acoustic properties of prominence in Hungarian and the Functional Load Hypothesis

Cited by 9 publications

References 14 publications

Emergence of word prosody in (Seoul) Korean

Emergence of word prosody in (Seoul) Korean

Quantifier scope in sentence prosody?

Vowel-length contrasts and phonetic cues to stress: an investigation of their relation

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