1988
DOI: 10.1016/0749-596x(88)90058-7
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Accessing lexical ambiguity in different types of sentential contexts

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citations
Cited by 261 publications
(196 citation statements)
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“…This recovery process takes longer for the subordinate than for the dominant meaning (appearing in the 700-900 ms and 500-700 ms time windows, respectively). The more rapid recovery of the dominant meaning is consistent with hybrid models of lexical access that incorporate effects of both frequency and context (Duffy, Morris, and Rayner, 1988;Tabossi, 1988).The RH showed a different pattern of responses when the context word was unrelated (UR condition), as N400 amplitude decreases were found in Experiment 1, for the dominant associate, but not in Experiment 2, for the subordinate associate. Thus, in a non-biasing context the RH seems to be influenced by meaning frequency, initially activating only the dominant meaning of an ambiguous lexical item (cf.…”
supporting
confidence: 49%
“…This recovery process takes longer for the subordinate than for the dominant meaning (appearing in the 700-900 ms and 500-700 ms time windows, respectively). The more rapid recovery of the dominant meaning is consistent with hybrid models of lexical access that incorporate effects of both frequency and context (Duffy, Morris, and Rayner, 1988;Tabossi, 1988).The RH showed a different pattern of responses when the context word was unrelated (UR condition), as N400 amplitude decreases were found in Experiment 1, for the dominant associate, but not in Experiment 2, for the subordinate associate. Thus, in a non-biasing context the RH seems to be influenced by meaning frequency, initially activating only the dominant meaning of an ambiguous lexical item (cf.…”
supporting
confidence: 49%
“…Results obtained with a cross-modal, semantic priming paradigm for homonyms in sentence contexts have shown access of the multiple meanings of the ambiguous words at short SOAs with selection of the contextually relevant meaning only at longer SOAs (Conrad, 1974;Neely, 1977;Swinney, 1979;Tanenhaus et al, 1979;Seidenberg et al, 1982;Frost and Bentin, 1992; but see Tabossi, 1988;Simpson, 1994). For example, Tanenhaus et al (1979) investigated the processing of noun-verb homonym forms in syntactic contexts which either biased the noun reading or the verb reading (e.g., I bought the watch; I will watch).…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Admittedly, even when knowing the meaning of the prime and the visual target, less proficient learners might have had difficulties with the interpretation of the L2 sentences preventing the observation of reliable associative priming effects. In fact, associative priming effects depend on the comprehension and interpretation of the experimental sentence (Blutner & Sommer, 1988;Braun & Tagliapietra, 2009;Norris, Cutler, McQueen, & Butterfield, 2006;Tabossi, 1988;Williams, 1988). Assessing proficiency on the basis of the recognition of the filler trials tests the recognition of a large number of words and nonwords and provides an independent estimate of the non-native lexicon and L2 understanding.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%