Abstract Agreement and Clausal Arguments

Picallo, M. Carme

doi:10.1111/1467-9612.00049

Cited by 25 publications

(15 citation statements)

References 3 publications

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“…Departing from Stowell (1981), I assume that embedded clauses may receive Case (cf. Picallo 2002, Manzini & Savoia 2003, Torrego & Uriagereka 1992, Plann 1982. More precisely, I would like to submit that clauses, like nominals, can receive both structural and inherent Case.…”

Section: Ecm In Spanish: the Asymmetrymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This pressuposes that clauses can receive Case under certain circumstances (pace Stowell 1981), an assumption I would like to relate to the more nominal status of Romance complementizers (cf. Picallo 2002, Manzini & Savoia 2003, Torrego & Uriagereka 1992, Plann 1982. In particular, I argue that structural Case can only be assigned once withing a given domain (a phase; cf.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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A Note on an ECM asymmetry in Spanish

Ros

2017

isogloss

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This paper discusses an asymmetry in Spanish ECM structures whereby NP passivization improves if the embedded clause is a non-infinitive. The facts are accounted for by assuming that structural Case can only be assigned once within a relevant domain (a phase; cf. Chomsky 2000Chomsky , 2001). This raises non-trivial questions about Case competition and Case resistance facts, opening new perspectives on the study of the Case/agreement systems and their parametric variation.

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Section: Ecm In Spanish: the Asymmetrymentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

A Note on an ECM asymmetry in Spanish

Ros

2017

isogloss

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“…( A que-clause may be optionally preceded by the definite article el (see Falk 1968;Plann 1981: 234), which is regarded as additional evidence in favour of its nominal nature (Picallo 2001(Picallo , 2002Barra Jover 2002). As expected, these clauses with determiners (BD'CP ) can be direct objects (example (3a)) and subjects (example (3b)): The syntactic representation of BD'que-clause in Spanish is the first topic to be addressed in this paper.…”

Section: Finite Clauses and Nominalitymentioning

confidence: 99%

“…This section will explore several possible explanations to this unexpected constraint: 1 (6) It has long been pointed out in the literature that the presence of an article with a queclause is subject to a factivity 3 constraint (Demonte 1977;Leonetti 1999;Picallo 2002;see Plann (1981) for infinitives) or, to be more exact, a presupposition/topicality constraint (Serrano 2009 However, factivity/presupposition cannot account for example (6). While example (6b) is indeed not factive, example (6a) is, and yet ungrammaticality results.…”

Section: Exploring the Prepositional Constraintmentioning

confidence: 99%

Clausal Substantivization in Spanish: Syntax and Constraints

Cantero

2013

Australian Journal of Linguistics

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The nominal distribution of finite clauses in many languages has been explained by positing a nominal projection of some sort on top of the (verbal) CP. Additional evidence of such nominality has been drawn from the fact that in many of those languages a determiner can indeed top the CP projection (D'CP), thus creating a DP. In standard Spanish, speakers may optionally add such a determiner under certain semantic circumstances. Spanish finite clauses in principle fall under such a syntactic account. However, despite their nominal distribution, a constraint remains which apparently challenges such generalization. Finite clauses introduced by the complementizer que ('that')*que-clauses*may not combine with a determiner in spite of meeting all expected requirements. This paper offers a revision of the nominality of the Spanish finite que-clause. Special attention is devoted to the role of the determiner, arguing for a differentiation between the general nominality of finite clauses and the optional creation of a DP (D'CP) in certain contexts in Spanish. Furthermore, the paper includes an analysis of the unexpected constraint in prepositional contexts in terms of strict adjacency, which makes it possible to account for the lack of the D layer while retaining the nominality of que-clauses in Spanish.

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“…At the same time, this would be againstStowell's (1981) Case Resistance Principle. Cf Picallo (2002). andUriagereka (in progress).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Merge Condition

Wurmbrand

2014

Language Faculty and Beyond

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In this paper I review different evidence suggesting that, in Null Subject Languages, T is endowed with what Chomsky (2005) calls edge features (i.e., the current term for the generalized EPP of Chomsky (2000)), and, consequently, becomes a strong phase head in those languages. Given that such a possibility is conceptually problematic (cf. Chomsky (2000; 2001; 2004; 2005)), I propose that the phase effects manifested in T, though pervasive and robust, can be regarded as a side effect of v*-toT movement: when internally merged to T, v* re-labels the whole structure, forcing a species of Reprojection (cf. Donati (1997; 2000) and Hornstein & Uriagereka (2002)), to which I refer here as phase-sliding. The analysis clearly revamps Chomsky's (1986) idea that V-T amalgamation can freed the VP of its barrierhood, and, if correct, refutes the empirical phenomena threatening the phase status of v* in Null Subject Languages, for all the operations that appear to take place at the T level, actually occur at an "extended v*" level. On more general grounds, the following pages support the idea that C and v* are phase heads universally, and T exists to act as a feature-holder (of both φ and edge features) feeding parametric variation, an idea already present in the literature in one way or another (cf. Chomsky (1986),

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Abstract Agreement and Clausal Arguments

Cited by 25 publications

References 3 publications

A Note on an ECM asymmetry in Spanish

A Note on an ECM asymmetry in Spanish

Clausal Substantivization in Spanish: Syntax and Constraints

The Merge Condition

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